Cultural Choice and Political Identity in Honorific Portrait Statues in the Greek East in the Second Century A.D.

Smith, R. R. R.

doi:10.2307/300805

Cited by 41 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 6 publications

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“…Jones 1985. For the possible appearance of Peregrinus's statue, see Smith 1998. dedicated an important passage to the phenomenon, which shows that around AD 100 many intellectuals barely accepted acting statues any longer:…”

Section: Roman Republicmentioning

confidence: 99%

The agency of Greek and Roman statues. From Homer to Constantine

Bremmer

2013

OpAthRom

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In the Archaic period the Greeks did not yet conceptualize the difference between a divinity and its statue. Therefore, stories that stressed the agency of statues separate from their divinities must have seemed less strange at that time than when the statues had become independent, so to speak, from their gods or goddesses. The latter started to happen in the transitional period to the Classical era when the well-known triad of divinities—heroes—mortals came into being, and philosophers began to criticize the worship of statues. All these changes together led to a development in which the agency of statues increasingly became noteworthy. After the 5th century BC we keep hearing about the agency of statues but we can also notice a growing critique of the worship of statues by different philosophical schools. In both Greece and Rome divine statues manifested themselves in particular during moments of crisis or of a decisive political character. In the Greek East the belief in the agency of statues lasted until the 3rd century AD, as Archaic statues represented a kind of cultural capital for the Greeks under Roman rule. Yet, in the end the continuing philosophical critique, which had been radicalized by the Christians, made the agency of statues intellectually unacceptable.

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Section: Roman Republicmentioning

confidence: 99%

The agency of Greek and Roman statues. From Homer to Constantine

Bremmer

2013

OpAthRom

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“…Herodes' experience was not normative: the sons of many provincial senators were brought up in their families' home province far from Rome (Eck 1980: 284). 32 Bol 1984;Smith 1998. The purpose of this monument was not primarily commemorative, although some of the family members whose statues were included in the monumental display were no longer among the living.…”

Section: The Nymphaeum 32mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Regilla also dedicated a statue in the sanctuary to Hygieia with a no-frills inscription that assumes public recognition and asserts her uniqueness: Ῥήγιλλα Ὑγείαι (no patronymic or husband's name needed) (IvO 288).37 Bol 1984 Beilag 4 shows her reconstruction of the sculptural arrangement and Beilag 5 shows the whole structure. My discussion is very much indebted toSmith 1998.…”

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confidence: 98%

Making Space for Bicultural Identity: Herodes Atticus Commemorates Regilla

Gleason

2008

SSRN Journal

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“…Zanker (1995) 243-4; seeDatsoulis-Stavridis (1978) 214-28 and Tobin(1997) 71-6 on Herodes' portraiture at Athens, including examples from Cephisia and Marathon.194Smith (1998) 79.…”

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confidence: 99%

The burial of Herodes Atticus: élite identity, urban society, and public memory in Roman Greece

Rife

2008

J. Hell. Stud.

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This paper discusses the burial of Herodes Atticus as a well-attested case of élite identification through mortuary practices. It gives a close reading of Philostratus' account of Herodes' end in c. 179 (VS 2.1.15) alongside the evidence of architecture, inscriptions, sculpture, and topography at Marathon, Cephisia and Athens. The intended burial of Herodes and the actual burials of his family on the Attic estates expressed wealth and territorial control, while his preference for Marathon fused personal history with civic history. The Athenian intervention in Herodes' private funeral, which led to his magnificent interment at the Panathenaic Stadium, served as a public reception for a leading citizen and benefactor. Herodes' tomb should be identified with a long foundation on the stadium's east hill that might have formed an eccentric altar-tomb, while an elegant klinê sarcophagus found nearby might have been his coffin. His epitaph was a traditional distich that stressed through language and poetic allusion his deep ties to Marathon and Rhamnous, his euergetism and his celebrity. Also found here was an altar dedicated to Herodes 'the Marathonian hero' with archaizing features (IG II 2 6791). The first and last lines of the text were erased in a deliberate effort to remove his name and probably the name of a relative. A cemetery of ordinary graves developed around Herodes' burial site, but by the 250s these had been disturbed, along with the altar and the sarcophagus. This new synthesis of textual and material sources for the burial of Herodes contributes to a richer understanding of status and antiquarianism in Greek urban society under the Empire. It also examines how the public memory of élites was composite and mutable, shifting through separate phases of activity -funeral, hero-cult, defacement, biography -to generate different images of the dead.Herodes Atticus is one of those figures who repays study not only as a luminous personality with his own history but also as a mirror to larger historical developments in the world around him. In comparison to other Greek aristocrats of the Roman Empire, we know a great amount about him not only from the substantial biography by Philostratus (VS 2.1) but also from the rich epigraphic and archaeological evidence for his life and family. L. Vibullius Hipparchus Ti. Claudius Atticus Herodes (c. 103-179), 1 who was born to a wealthy family with deep Athenian roots, became a celebrated orator and teacher, an aristocrat and politician with broad connections at home and abroad, and a peerless benefactor. Like other prominent men of his day, he was dogged by cruel controversy and popular resentment. While he was an outstanding individual and many of his accomplishments were sui generis, Herodes embodied the social and cultural values of his age, and he employed common modes of self-presentation, even if on a grander scale than his contemporaries.One fascinating chapter in his distinguished career is the final one in c. 179, as recorded by Philostratus (VS 2.1.15):Although h...

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Cultural Choice and Political Identity in Honorific Portrait Statues in the Greek East in the Second Century A.D.

Cited by 41 publications

References 6 publications

The agency of Greek and Roman statues. From Homer to Constantine

The agency of Greek and Roman statues. From Homer to Constantine

Making Space for Bicultural Identity: Herodes Atticus Commemorates Regilla

The burial of Herodes Atticus: élite identity, urban society, and public memory in Roman Greece

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