D-projections and N-projections in Norwegian

Taraldsen, Knut Tarald

doi:10.1515/9783110867848.419

Cited by 70 publications

(33 citation statements)

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“…In the case in which nouns without preceding modifiers appear suffixed with the definiteness marker, the simplest analysis is to invoke head movement to D; in this we follow Taraldsen (1990) and Delsing (1993). That is: When N-to-D movement occurs, each of the requirements in (61) is satisfied.…”

Section: Swedish Determiners and Definiteness Markingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Movement Operations after Syntax

2001

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We develop a theory of movement operations that occur after the syntactic derivation, in the PF component, within the framework of Distributed Morphology. The properties of syntactic movement have been studied extensively in linguistic theory, both in terms of locality conditions and in terms of the types of constituents affected (phrases, subparts of phrases, heads). Despite differences in particular analyses or frameworks, the locality conditions on movement operations are a central concern of current research. Here we address movement operations as well, but operations of a different type. In particular, we examine and analyze movement operations that occur after the syntactic derivation, in the PF component, and provide a theory that makes proposals concerning (a) the locality conditions on such movements, (b) the types of constituents they affect, and (c) the position of such operations in the sequential derivation from the output of syntax to phonologically instantiated expressions.From a somewhat abstract perspective, the fact on which we base our study is that not all structures and strings are the result of operations that occur exclusively in the syntactic component of the grammar; this observation stems from a body of prior research investigating the relationship between syntactic structure and phonological form. The observation covers two domains: one dealing with linear sequences that are syntactically opaque, the other with movement operations. In the first domain it has been demonstrated that the internal ordering of clitic clusters cannotWe would like to thank

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Section: Swedish Determiners and Definiteness Markingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Movement Operations after Syntax

2001

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“…8 7 Rumanian possesses an enclitic definite article which Dobrovie-Sorin (1987) and Grosu (1988) argue to incorporate the noun. The Scandinavian languages also make abundant use of enclitic articles, see Delsing (1993) and Taraldsen (1990). For further discussion, see Giusti (1994) and Dimitrova-Vulchanova and Giusti (1998).…”

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confidence: 99%

The form of Semitic noun phrases

Shlonsky

2004

Lingua

252

176

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I propose a phrasal-movement analysis of word order in Hebrew and Arabic noun phrases. I argue that the positioning of nominal modifiers with respect to the head of simple nouns cannot be adequately handled by an N-raising derivation. This is so because nouns fail to move as heads in the grammars of Hebrew and Arabic. The only heads that seem to be able to move are those which do not assign genitive case. When modifiers (adjectives, numerals, demonstratives, etc.) appear to the right of the noun, it is the noun phrase itself which has raised to the left of the modifier, moving from specifier to specifier and pied piping all the material on its right. In this manner, inverse or mirror image ordering of post-nominal material is accounted for.Some modifiers have the option of appearing pre-nominally as well as post-nominally. I argue that these elements can be merged either as heads governing their complement and assigning genitive case to their sister or to the specifier of their sister, or as specifiers of projections containing a phonetically null head. In the former case, the modifier's sister is frozen in position, being licensed by genitive case. In the latter case, XP-movement of the sister of the null head is triggered, and agreement or concord is manifested on the modifier. I develop a configurational theory of agreement, which accounts for these phenomena. Many of the signature properties of the Semitic Construct-state fall out from the phrasal movement analysis.Finally, action nominalizations are dealt with. I provide arguments for a syntactic derivation in which a VP is associated with a nominalizing head configured in the clausal hierarchy as a functional head. I show that the position of the nominalizing head is above certain aspectual projections and lower than others. This explains why some adverbials, but not others, may occur inside a derived nominal. #

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“…read 'These books, Gianni has read' Tarald has also made significant contributions to the discussion of DP structure (Taraldsen 1990(Taraldsen , 1991c, showing how Norwegian possessor constructions and definite affixes motivate a particular structure of the DP, and relating this to the structure of the clause and the licensing of subjects. The 1990 article, 'Dprojections and N-projections in Norwegian,' is a key reference for the widely adopted DP hypothesis.…”

Section: Tarald's Workmentioning

confidence: 99%

Introduction: Functional Structure from Top to Toe

Svenonius¹

2014

Functional Structure From Top to Toe

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D-projections and N-projections in Norwegian

Cited by 70 publications

References 0 publications

Movement Operations after Syntax

Movement Operations after Syntax

The form of Semitic noun phrases

Introduction: Functional Structure from Top to Toe

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