Abstract:Despite the growing interest in the phenomenon of engagement without recognition within de facto state literature, the concept remains under-analysed. Through an analysis of Kurdistan's engagement with the Iraqi government, this article aims to answer the following questions: What are the de facto state's authorities' policies of engagement with parent states? And how does internal political rivalry affect the policies of engagement with parent state? The study highlights the importance of a de facto state's i… Show more
“…Tomemos, por ejemplo, Kurdistán (es el grupo étnico más grande que representa un estado no reconocido -40 millones de personas), después del colapso del Imperio Otomano en 1921, como resultado de un acuerdo firmado, se les prometió la posibilidad de formar su propio estado en el antiguo territorio del Imperio Otomano. Los términos del acuerdo no se cumplieron y el territorio que se asignó a los kurdos se dividió entre Turquía, Irak, Irán y Siria (Palani et al, 2021).…”
El artículo analizó las cuestiones de la personalidad jurídica de los estados no reconocidos, y la correlación de dos principios universales de las relaciones internacionales: el derecho de las naciones a la libre determinación y la integridad territorial del estado. La falta de vínculos legítimos y completos entre los países no reconocidos y los estados miembros de la ONU sigue siendo un problema no solo para dichos países, sino para la comunidad internacional. Se realizó un estudio documental desde una perspectiva cualitativa, y como resultados se recogen datos que evidencian las razones del surgimiento de estados no reconocidos, condiciones para el reconocimiento internacional como un acto jurídico y político.
“…Tomemos, por ejemplo, Kurdistán (es el grupo étnico más grande que representa un estado no reconocido -40 millones de personas), después del colapso del Imperio Otomano en 1921, como resultado de un acuerdo firmado, se les prometió la posibilidad de formar su propio estado en el antiguo territorio del Imperio Otomano. Los términos del acuerdo no se cumplieron y el territorio que se asignó a los kurdos se dividió entre Turquía, Irak, Irán y Siria (Palani et al, 2021).…”
El artículo analizó las cuestiones de la personalidad jurídica de los estados no reconocidos, y la correlación de dos principios universales de las relaciones internacionales: el derecho de las naciones a la libre determinación y la integridad territorial del estado. La falta de vínculos legítimos y completos entre los países no reconocidos y los estados miembros de la ONU sigue siendo un problema no solo para dichos países, sino para la comunidad internacional. Se realizó un estudio documental desde una perspectiva cualitativa, y como resultados se recogen datos que evidencian las razones del surgimiento de estados no reconocidos, condiciones para el reconocimiento internacional como un acto jurídico y político.
“…As one Kurdish leader put it: We know our dream, which is an independent state, but we also know the reality, and we will deal with it. We are landlocked and sentenced by our geography (Palani et al, 2020: 9)…”
This article compares the efforts of the Palestinians and the Kurdsthe two largest stateless nations in the Middle Eastto obtain recognition. While Kurdish movements are spread across four countries in the region -Turkey, Syria, Iraq, and Iran, with specificities dependent on the historical context and relations with the particular host statein this article we focus on the Syrian Kurds as a contrast to the Palestinians. This is because these two communities arrive at different end-points in their national liberation projects despite sharing similar self-determination aims. These differences provide an opportunity to analyse and comment on the factors which impact on self-determination trajectories. The article examines the emancipatory potential of nationalism while simultaneously reflecting on the limitations imposed by regional dynamics and intra-group tensions. We compare the constraints faced by these two groups as non-state actors in a region shaped by the realpolitik of powerful states, recognizing that both of themas transnational actorsin turn impact on these states as well.
“…This disagreement has significantly impaired the future of the creation of a state in Kurdistan region. The persistent conflicts caused both governments to view one another as security risks, resulting in substantial ramifications for the subsequent push for Kurdish autonomy (Palani et al, 2020, p. 780). Oil and gas from the Kurdistan region have become one of the main litigation issues between Erbil and Baghdad since 2005: the Iraqi Ministry of Petroleum insists that all oil contracts be signed with the national government and that any oil produced in the KRG region is marketed and shipped through the state agency responsible for marketing Iraqi oil.…”
Section: Conflicts Arising Over 'Territorial Rights On Oil and Natura...mentioning
Oil reserves hold importance not just in the realm of economic profit, but also wield significant influence in political matters throughout contemporary history (Yergin, 2011). There are numerous connections between domestic oil production and international policy actions (Ashford, 2022). In fragile states, entities resembling state organizations can participate in local oil extraction through the exercise of their territorial rights. Additionally, these structures can have an impact on political dynamics at both the regional and global levels. This article delves into the link between oil and the acknowledgment of statehood in Iraqi Kurdistan. It contends that the presence of oil has significantly contributed to the recognition of Kurdish statehood by providing a source of income and augmenting its economic and political prowess. The study analyzes the history of the oil industry in Iraqi Kurdistan and its impact on the region's political and economic development. It also explores the political dynamics between Iraqi Kurdistan and the central government in Baghdad, along with the role of international actors in the recognition of Kurdish statehood. This paper concentrates on the positive outcomes of having rich natural resources and being recognized as a de facto state. Additionally, the article explains how Iraqi Kurdistan legitimizes its recognition as a de facto state by signing agreements with large oil companies since 2005 on its own territory. The study employs Caspersen's “unrecognized state” definition and Krasner's concept of sovereignty, along with Pegg's definition of de facto states, to provide a comprehensive understanding of the Iraqi Kurdistan's international position. For this study, it used the interviews that were conducted in 2017 in the Iraqi Kurdistan region.
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