Defended Neighborhoods, Integration, and Racially Motivated Crime

Green, Donald P.; Strolovitch, Dara Z.; Wong, Janelle

doi:10.1086/210042

Cited by 381 publications

(445 citation statements)

References 44 publications

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“…At a more general level, place stratification theory contends that residents and other representatives of neighborhoods that enjoy an advantaged position in the "hierarchy of places" use institutional and informal means to maintain their position, in part by keeping undesirable residents out of the neighborhood (Logan 1978). This perspective is consistent with the literature on "defended neighborhoods" (Green, Strolovitch, and Wong 1998) and the extensive literature documenting the steps taken by residents, the real estate industry, and the government to restrict black Americans to specific sections of urban areas and to maintain boundaries between minority ghettos and white neighborhoods (Dreier, Mollenkopf, and Swanstrom 2001;Massey and Denton 1993;Yinger 1995). The implication is that even if the economic circumstances of nonwhite Americans allow them to move into more desirable neighborhoods, their mobility into such neighborhoods is likely to be limited due to the institutional and informal mechanisms used to keep them out.…”

Section: The Mechanisms Underlying Intergenerational Contextual Mobilitysupporting

confidence: 57%

The Intergenerational Transmission of Context

Sharkey

2008

American Journal of Sociology

310

303

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This article draws on the extensive literature on economic and social mobility in America to examine intergenerational contextual mobility, defined as the degree to which inequalities in neighborhood environments persist across generations. PSID data are analyzed to reveal remarkable continuity in neighborhood economic status from one generation to the next. The primary consequence of persistent neighborhood stratification is that the racial inequality in America's neighborhoods that existed a generation ago has been transmitted, for the most part unchanged, to the current generation. More than 70% of black children who grow up in the poorest quarter of American neighborhoods remain in the poorest quarter of neighborhoods as adults, compared to 40% of whites. The results suggest that racial inequality in neighborhood economic status is substantially underestimated with short-term measures of neighborhood income or poverty and, second, that the steps taken to end racial discrimination in the housing and lending markets have not enabled black Americans to advance out of America's poorest neighborhoods.A long and rich tradition of research in the social sciences is devoted to describing and explaining patterns of social and economic mobility in 1 I thank Robert Sampson, William Julius Wilson, and Chris Winship for their critical input on this project. I am also grateful for feedback from audiences at several universities at which I presented the paper. I received particularly detailed and valuable comments from Xavier de

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Section: The Mechanisms Underlying Intergenerational Contextual Mobilitysupporting

confidence: 57%

The Intergenerational Transmission of Context

Sharkey

2008

American Journal of Sociology

310

303

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“…al., 1995;Devine, 1989) and too stable (Fiske, 1998;Rothbart and Oliver, 1993) to be swayed by a single black politician who successfully wins office. Even if the words and actions of black incumbents don't fit whites' racial 4 For exceptions to this pattern see Green et al (1998), Mendelberg (1995) andBledsoe et. al.…”

Section: Stereotypes: the Racial Prejudice Modelmentioning

confidence: 99%

White Residents, Black Incumbents, and a Declining Racial Divide

Hajnal

2001

Am Polit Sci Rev

122

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Despite the hopes of the civil rights movement, researchers have found that the election of African Americans to office has not greatly improved the well-being of the black community. This study focuses on the white community, however, and finds that black leadership can have a profound effect. Under black mayors there is positive change in the white vote and in the racial sentiments expressed by members of the white electorate. Although white Republicans seem largely immune to the effects of black incumbency, for Democrats and independents an experience with a black mayoralty tends to decrease racial tension, increase racial sympathy, and increase support of black leadership.

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“…From the perpetrators' perspective, violence is legitimate because they use it to protect themselves and "their" territory from the threat of outsiders (Green, Strolovitch, & Wong, 1998;McDevitt, Levin, & Bennett, 2003;Ray & Smith, 2001) by means of "private policing". Historical notions of race and belonging can thus be integrated with present-day apprehensions about the right to a certain territory.…”

Section: Theory and Previous Researchmentioning

confidence: 99%

When Colour Matters: Policing and Hate Crime

Wigerfelt

Kiiskinen

2014

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Contrary to the image of Sweden as a tolerant, colour-blind and non-racial country, which is based on the narrative of a country for instance associated with solidarity with the so-called Third World; in this article we argue that racial attributes, e.g. visible differences, account for people’s different life possibilities and circumstances in Swedish society. This article explores and discusses whether, and if so why, people who belong to the group that is categorised as “non-white”, with an emphasis on Afroswedes, and depicted as racially different, experience being targets of diverse variations of bias-based policing, harassment and hate crime. Theories relating to colonial stereotypes, racism, doing difference, the geography of hate, race/ethnicity profiling and intersectionality are used to analyse our material. Based on individual and focus group interviews with “non-whites”, this article discusses how visible differences are highlighted in different kinds of social contexts. The interview results show that people with dark skin are often targets of different kinds of private and public policing based on race- and ethnicity profiling that often occurs on or near borders/boundaries. When those who are targets of racial harassment and exclusion resist such treatment, e.g. by crossing borders/boundaries, they are at risk of becoming victims of hate crime.

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Defended Neighborhoods, Integration, and Racially Motivated Crime

Cited by 381 publications

References 44 publications

The Intergenerational Transmission of Context

The Intergenerational Transmission of Context

White Residents, Black Incumbents, and a Declining Racial Divide

When Colour Matters: Policing and Hate Crime

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