In this paper we develop a semantic typology of gradable predicates, with special emphasis on deverbal adjectives. We argue for the linguistic relevance of this typology by demonstrating that the distribution and interpretation of degree modifiers is sensitive to its two major classificatory parameters: (1) whether a gradable predicate is associated with what we call an OPEN or CLOSED scale and (2) whether the standard of comparison for the applicability of the predicate is ABSOLUTE or RELATIVE to a context. We further show that the classification of an important subclass of adjectives within the typology is largely predictable. Specifically, the scale structure of a deverbal gradable adjective correlates either with the algebraic part structure of the event denoted by its source verb or with the part structure of the entities to which the adjective applies. These correlations underscore the fact that gradability is characteristic not only of adjectives but also of verbs and nouns, and that scalar properties are shared by categorially distinct but derivationally-related expressions. * Bolinger's (1972) classic study of degree expressions in English, two stand out. First, degree modifiers in English have distributions which cannot be given a purely syntactic explanation. Consider, for example, the behavior of well, much and very. At a superficial level, these three modifiers appear to have very similar syntactic and semantic properties: they all apply to deverbal gradable adjectives, and they all 'boost' the degree to which the deverbal adjective holds of its subject. In (1), for example, the addition of the degree modifiers increases the degree to which the properties are claimed to hold of their respective subjects in roughly the same way. * We are grateful to
DEGREE MODIFICATION IN DEVERBAL GRADABLE ADJECTIVES Among the many observations made in