Degrees and segments

Abstract

I make two related proposals, one about directed scale segments and the other about the nature of degrees. Bale (2007Bale ( , 2011 argued that degrees should be analyzed as sets of individuals and that degree arguments are created in the syntax from relational predicates. Schwarz (2010) showed that Bale's construction runs into problems when the relational predicate is complex, consisting of an LF constituent that contains more than just a gradable adjective. I modify Bale's proposal so that it overcomes Schwarz's objection. But first I propose a semantics for comparatives based on quantification over directed scale segments, triples consisting of two degrees and a measure function. The modification of Bale's proposal depends upon this. Segments are of independent interest as they permit a conjunctive semantics for extended adjectival phrases, the way events do for verb phrases. Potential benefits of 'degree-conjunctivism' are explored.

Semifactives in comparatives

“…Conceiving of graded awareness in terms of relations among alternatives paves the way toward an account of the cases with short and less, where the felicitous asymmetries in scalar position are the opposite of what we find in (1) and ( 2). Here we invoke a core insight of the gradability literature: scalar semantics is sensitive not just to scalar position, but also to scalar orientation (Kennedy 2001;Schwarzschild 2013). Degrees of tallness and degrees of shortness share a scale but have opposite orientations along that scale.…”

Gradability across grammatical domains

“…Other authors have previously noted the semantic similarities and synchronic relationships between gradable adjectives and linguistic expressions referring to spatial paths or locations (Faller 1999;Winter 2005;Schwarzschild 2013Schwarzschild , 2012Hohaus 2020Hohaus , 2018Hohaus , 2012. Still other authors have modeled spatial paths as sequential (i.e., as gradable objects), but without reference to the literature on gradability in adjectives (Cresswell 1978, Krifka 1998.…”

Alternative comparison in underspecified degree operators

“…Composition of it is still raining in Beck (2020) is based on a re-analysis of the comparative marker in the framework of scale segment semantics (Schwarzschild 2013), which assumes degree constructions like the comparatives quantify over scale segments, another type of abstract entity we can add to the semantic ontology. My analysis is based on a different re-analysis of the comparative marker, which does not involve scale segments.…”