Demanding Daughter Duty

Angeles, Leonora C.; Sunanta, Sirijit

doi:10.1080/14672710903328021

Cited by 53 publications

(41 citation statements)

References 14 publications

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“…In contrast, daughters have shown an internalised sense of responsibility in terms of care and support provision. This observation also corresponds with findings from earlier research on (internal) migration, remittances, and gender relations in Thailand (Osaki, ; Ryoko 2004; Angeles & Sunanta, ). Sharing parents' responsibilities and burdens, predominantly associated with costs involved in contract farming and children's education, among others, were common explanations—given by daughters—for “deciding to help parents on the field” instead of attending high school (Kamolwan [30], Nam Kum, May 28, 2015) or for “going to Bangkok to find more money” (Penpak [35], Ban Chai, former seasonal labour migrant, April 1, 2015).…”

Section: Remittance Transfers and Sender–receiver Relationssupporting

confidence: 91%

Gendered translocal connectedness: Rural–urban migration, remittances, and social resilience in Thailand

Porst

Sakdapolrak

2020

Population Space and Place

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Remittances play a central role in debates on migration and development as well as migration as adaptation to climate change. We seek to contribute to the growing body of literature that addresses the role of gender relations for remittance sending and usage. Based on multisited qualitative research on rural-urban migration in Thailand, we apply the concept of translocal social resilience to expound the multilocal and intersectional dimension of remittances and their impact on social resilience.Building on typical constellations of remittance transfer and usage, the paper accentuates how gender, generational relations, and the household's socio-economic status shape remittance practices and their effects on social resilience across space. We can thus conclude that addressing intersecting socio-spatial levels and axes of difference enhances the understanding of remittance potentials for resilience, which also enriches research that frames migration as a means of adaptation.

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Section: Remittance Transfers and Sender–receiver Relationssupporting

confidence: 91%

Gendered translocal connectedness: Rural–urban migration, remittances, and social resilience in Thailand

Porst

Sakdapolrak

2020

Population Space and Place

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“…Likewise, by reproducing the role of matrilineal Isan son-in-law, albeit in an altered and transnational form, farang men are subject to intense demands of extended kinship obligation while also gaining respect as good providers and the care and attention of their Isan wives and other kin (cf. Angeles and Sirijit 2009). Both of these notions of farang masculinity-sex tourist and son-in-law-have gained a degree of hegemony, in the sense that they are ideals that farang men in Thailand are compelled to live up to (or, in the case of the sex tourist, live down).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…They lived with and provided wealth and labor to their wives' families (Keyes 1984). These patterns transformed in the late twentieth century into a migrant ethic focused on daughter duty (Angeles and Sirijit 2009;Jongwilaiwan and Thompson 2013;Mills 1999).…”

Section: Sex Tourist and Son-in-law As Emergent Masculinitiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Much of this activity is mediated by their wives, who offer alms to monks, attend ceremonies, engage in ritual activities, and provide large donations for renovating temple buildings on behalf of themselves and their husbands, though in some cases, the farang husbands directly participate in these activities as well (cf. Angeles and Sirijit 2009).…”

Section: Farang Men In Isan: Unsettled and Settled Subjectivitiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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From Sex Tourist to Son-in-Law

Thompson¹,

Kitiarsa²,

Smutkupt³

2016

Current Anthropology

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CA1 Online-Only Material: Supplement AFarang (foreign, Caucasian) men have played a significant role in Thai society for several decades as sex tourists and, more recently, as farang sons-in-law, men who marry Thai wives and often settle down in rural Thai villages. While both of these phenomena have received considerable attention, in neither case have the experiences and motivations of the farang men involved been adequately examined. Based on fieldwork in Bangkok and the northeast region of Isan, we examine the relationship between emergent masculinities of sex tourist and son-in-law at a societal level and the transient subjectivities of men who experience them. Anthropological theory regularly conflates subjectivities and the cultural and social formations, particularly "identities," that shape them. On the basis of our analysis, we argue that a distinction between the two is needed in order to adequately theorize changing masculinities. The ways in which men's subjective experiences of masculinity change are different from the ways in which culturally shared, socially constructed, and politically-economically facilitated masculine identities emerge. We caution that evidence of the former-transient subjectivity at an individual level-is not evidence of the latterchanging or emergent masculine identities at a societal level.We met Patrick at a café in a small northeast market town in Thailand, where he was drinking beer and whisky alone at midmorning. 1 Speaking slurred English with bits of Thai mixed in, Patrick related a lovelorn tale of woe about his "mia suay mahk mahk" ("very, very beautiful wife"). He told us how he had spent some 5 million Thai baht (∼US$150,000) over 4 years living with her and chasing after her. He had married her, built a house in the northeast region of Isan, given money to her parents, and bought her large amounts of gold. He had, by his account, done everything he could to get her to settle down with him in rural Isan. But at the urging of her parents and sister, she had chased him out of the house he bought for her and gone off to Pattaya to find a new, better farang (Westerner). Patrick was a large English man and former soldier in his early fifties with several adult children from a previous marriage in England, whose names he had tattooed across his body. He was now living primarily on a military disability pension. His "mia suay mahk mahk" was a 23-year-old woman from Isan.Patrick is one of tens of thousands of farang men making lives for themselves in Thailand. 2 Across the agricultural hinterland of Isan, in nearly every village, are at least one or two ban farang (literally, houses of Westerners). In some villages, there may be dozens or even a hundred such homes, built in most cases by partnerships between farang men and Isan women. 3 Bars, cafés, and restaurants in Isan market towns cater to a clientele of middle-aged and elderly farang men. Far off to the south, in the entertainment districts of Bangkok and the beach resorts of Pattaya and Phuket, middleaged farang men...

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“…Swedish state funding is not an option for this community group and there are few funds available from Thailand to build or maintain temples. Importantly, Thai women migrants generally do not have significant disposable income and what is available is often sent to Thailand in the form of remittances which are dedicated to a long-term family/household strategy (Angeles and Sunanta, 2009). Consequently, Thai women need to raise the funds themselves locally to set up and maintain a charity through their volunteer labor.…”

Section: Temporalitymentioning

confidence: 99%

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Alfonso¹

2016

GENEROS

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Demanding Daughter Duty

Cited by 53 publications

References 14 publications

Gendered translocal connectedness: Rural–urban migration, remittances, and social resilience in Thailand

Gendered translocal connectedness: Rural–urban migration, remittances, and social resilience in Thailand

From Sex Tourist to Son-in-Law

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