Democratic Socialism and Sectarianism: The Northern Ireland Labour Party and Progressive Unionist Party Compared

Abstract

Since the 1970s academic studies of the Protestant community in Northern Ireland have dwelt on either the conservative nature of its political culture or the phenomenon of paramilitary activism among its grass‐roots. Few scholars have attempted to analyse the democratic socialist political discourse articulated by some of its ‘non‐combatant’ actors. As a means of redressing this imbalance this article compares and contrasts the ideologies and discourse of the Northern Ireland Labour party (NILP) and the Progressive Unionist party (PUP). Although these two parties are separated by distinct historical and political circumstances, their significance nonetheless points to the existence of residual class sentiment among Ulster Protestants.

‘Accuracy’ versus ‘Utility’ in the ‘Ethnic Conflict’ Paradigm: A Rejoinder to Sean Swan

“…By overlooking the political culture of this period, or by suggesting that it is in some way ‘frozen’ or ‘stagnant’, much of the literature has had ‘the distorting effect of treating the history of Ireland, North and South, before 1969 as little more than an antechamber to the “Troubles” ’ (Patterson, 2006, p. xvi). My own analysis is grounded in empirical research which reinforces the view that political identities were fluid and overlapping and not fixed and uni‐dimensional at this time (Edwards, 2007a, 2007b, 2008b and forthcoming).…”

“…His argument that given ‘the extent of Unionist hegemony and the lack of Nationalist candidates in the vast majority of constituencies, “second‐order” politics could safely be experimented with by members of the unionist community without risking letting the “other side” in’ (Swan, 2008, p. 119) is a common assumption made about this period. Furthermore, as I suggested, the party system in the 1960s is a different beast to the one pertaining today, making it difficult to compare these political parties systematically (Edwards, 2007a, p. 29). Thus, Swan's point that the Northern Ireland Labour party (NILP) did not run against nationalist candidates has to be tempered in light of other variables, not least by the reality that the NILP had always been primarily a Belfast‐centric party operating in a city where nationalists or republicans were conspicuous by their absence for much of the post‐war period.…”

“…the intellectual conflict over the physical conflict) is something which permeates the academic literature (McGarry and O'Leary, 2004). I am glad that Sean Swan's response to my article (Edwards, 2007a) departs from this well-trodden path and is undertaken in the spirit of professional scholarly exchange. Indeed, my article was designed to provoke debate and discussion on two important themes: the labour political heritage of the Ulster Protestant community, in particular, and the historiographical parameters governing our study of post-war Northern Irish politics in general.…”

The Progressive Unionist Party of Northern Ireland: A Left-Wing Voice in an Ethnically Divided Society

“…Notwithstanding the lack of a cross-community complexion the PUP remains a party with a left-leaning programme. The PUP's own Constitution is modelled on that of the earlier labourist Northern Ireland Labour Party (NILP), although the former has always been more explicit in its support for the unionist position than the latter (Edwards 2007; Edwards 2009b). While it makes room for both individual and affiliated membership it seems that the stress is again on individual membership as no trades unions, community-based organisations or other interest groups are formally represented at the party's conference.…”

“…It is obvious from the party's aims and objectives that it remains rooted firmly in the working-class community it seeks to represent and places the promotion of the ‘Political, Social and Economic emancipation of the people of Northern Ireland, and more particularly of those who depend upon their exertions by hand or brain for the means of life’ at the very apex of its policy decisions. Unlike the NILP, which was more explicitly democratic socialist and non-confessional (Edwards 2007, 2008 and 2009b), the PUP articulates its entire political programme from a mainly working-class unionist perspective (Edwards 2007).…”