Demonstrative-reinforcer constructions

Roehrs, Dorian

doi:10.1007/s10828-010-9038-4

Cited by 16 publications

(41 citation statements)

References 30 publications

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“…Both of these elements are often referred to as DETERMINERS (Giusti 1997). Specifically, while the internal structure of demonstratives is refined and modified here, the other syntactic claims of Roehrs 2010 are compatible with the current proposal. In so doing, this investigation seeks to uncover and explain some synchronic and diachronic regularities that these determiners have in common.…”

Section: Introductionsupporting

confidence: 68%

“…I turn to three recent proposals that discuss the decomposition of determiners in quite some detail: Klinge 2008, Leu 2008, and Roehrs 2010 As might be expected, these proposals also vary in (intended) empirical coverage. I dedicate most of the space to Leu's work, which is somewhat programmatic but has been quite influential.…”

Section: More Detailed Discussion Of Determinersmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…To obtain a parallel and thus simple analysis of all demonstratives, I claim that the simple demonstrative in 10b is also complex in its makeup such that it involves a segmentally unrealized element bringing about deixis and stress (Leu 2008, Roehrs 2010 This leaves the status of the definiteness marker to be discussed. Recall now that demonstratives are deictic in nature and are usually stressed.…”

Section: The Inner Makeup Of Determinersmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…A number of languages also have definite articles in their vocabulary. One important * In some aspects, this paper can be understood as a successor to Roehrs 2010. This paper studies the inner makeup of these elements in the Germanic languages proposing that they have internal structure.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Inner Makeup of Definite Determiners: The Case of Germanic

Roehrs

2013

J Ger Ling

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This paper studies the internal structure of definite articles and demonstratives in twelve Germanic languages. Examining synchronic and diachronic data as well as systematic gaps, it seeks to illuminate the nature of definiteness markers and inflections, d-and -er in German d-er 'the' and d-ies-er 'this', with the goal of identifying some consequences for the syntax of the determiner phrase as a whole. Arguing that definiteness markers are semantically vacuous elements, the paper proposes that articles involve an inflectional head in the syntax and demonstratives consist of an inflectional and a deictic head. Isomorphic correspondences between overt components and abstract syntactic structure may be partially or completely "masked" by postsyntactic operations. *(2) a. d-er the b. d-ér, d-ieser, d-essen, d-ass, d-ort, d-ann that, this, whose, that, there, thenWith Leu (2008) and others, I argue that this commonality is not accidental. I claim that determiners have inner structure. Second, parsing the definite article from right to left, in 3a one also notices that this determiner exhibits an ending that occurs elsewhere in German: It surfaces on demonstratives, adjectives, and quantifiers, as shown in 3b.(3) a. d-er the b. d-ér, dies-er, gut-er, manch-er that, this, good, someIn other words, identical inflections appear on different lexical items (for example, Duden 1995:277). In line with the first parsing, I argue that this is not an accidental state of affairs, but that these right-most components are regular inflections. Again, I claim that determiners have internal structure. While the parsing of the definite article (d-er) and the simple demonstrative (d-ér) may not seem very revealing, the segmentation of the complex demonstrative leads to a tripartite makeup: d-ies-er. I label the element in the middle DEICTIC PART. This type of component works as an instruction for the listener to identify a specific entity that is close to the speaker (that is, proximal) or farther away (that is, distal). With Leu (2008) and Roehrs (2010), I claim that all demonstratives, including simple demonstratives, have a deictic part. Resuming the comparison of the definite article and the demonstratives, I combine these two lines of inquiry by formulating the first hypothesis:(4) Hypothesis 1a (to be amended): Synchronic Relatedness of Definite DeterminersDefinite determiners are transparent with regard to the definiteness marker and the inflection.

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Section: Introductionsupporting

confidence: 68%

Section: More Detailed Discussion Of Determinersmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Inner Makeup Of Determinersmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Inner Makeup of Definite Determiners: The Case of Germanic

Roehrs

2013

J Ger Ling

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“…There is a common trend of analyses which argue in favor of the initial element in Germanic being an instantiation of definiteness/the definite article (D) (see Déchaine & Wiltschko 2002;Kayne 2005;Kayne & Pollock 2010;Roehrs 2010;Leu 2015, among others). This would mean that D is contained within Dem.…”

Section: Germanicmentioning

confidence: 99%