Deriving Null, Strong and Emphatic Pronouns in Romance Pro-Drop Languages

Herbeck, Peter

doi:10.1007/978-3-319-56706-8_6

Cited by 4 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 51 publications

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“…They satisfy the first three criteria for obligatory control (as established in ( 11)) in both types of subordinate clauses. These results confirm the hypothesis that the null subject in the (a) examples is OC PRO, and the pronominal subject in the (b) examples is its overtly realized counterpart 'overt PRO' (Mensching 2000;Ovalle and D'Introno (2001), Livitz 2011Livitz , 2014Herbeck 2015Herbeck , 2018.…”

Section: Obligatory Control Criteria With Overt and Null Subjectssupporting

confidence: 79%

“…(European Portuguese; Barbosa (2009:103-104)) Szabolcsi (2009) and Livitz (2011Livitz ( , 2014 show that these pronominal subjects display properties of obligatory control (OC) PRO, and can therefore be characterized as the overt counterpart of null PRO, so called 'overt PRO' (see also Mensching (2000, pp. 61-62) Alonso-Ovalle & D'Introno (2000), Barbosa (2009Barbosa ( , 2018, and Herbeck (2015Herbeck ( , 2018). Barbosa (2009Barbosa ( , 2018 further points out that languages with overt PRO seem generally to be pro-drop languages.…”

Section: Introduction *mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Interpretive asymmetries between null and overt PRO in complement and adjunct infinitives in (Colombian) Spanish

2022

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Cross-linguistically, control complement clauses have been reported to allow overt pronominal subjects displaying the diagnostic properties of obligatory control (‘Overt PRO’; see Livitz (2011) and reference therein). Building on Gómez (2017), we extend the empirical range of the overt PRO phenomena to para finality adjunct clauses in (Colombian) Spanish. We show that the controlled subject of para-infinitives ―be it null PRO or overt PRO― has the same distribution and interpretive properties as that of complement infinitives. We bring to light unexpected asymmetries in the interpretive properties of overt vs. null PROs which we dub the Overt vs. covert PRO paradox: while they both only allow a bound variable reading under ellipsis, overt PRO, unlike null PRO, also allows a coreferential reading under association-with-focus. Here again, the data are identical in complement vs. adjunct control. We account for this paradox by putting forth the Anaphor Generalizations, which state that (i) both overt and null anaphors must be syntactically bound, and (ii) while null anaphors must be semantically bound, overt anaphors can but need not be semantically bound. We further show how the Anaphor Generalizations can be extended to account for similar patterns of interpretation reported for English and French reflexives.

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Section: Obligatory Control Criteria With Overt and Null Subjectssupporting

confidence: 79%

Section: Introduction *mentioning

confidence: 99%

Interpretive asymmetries between null and overt PRO in complement and adjunct infinitives in (Colombian) Spanish

2022

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“…It can thus be assumed that they are immune to change and that bilinguals and monolinguals use them in the same way. The unbound free pronominals belong to the discourse-syntax interface (following Herbeck's (2018) argument that the choice of free pronominals depends on focus/topic and thus information structure), and the indirect object pronominals to the semantics-syntax interface (as D'Alessandro and Pescarini (2016) show, constructions with indirect object pronouns are subject to exceptional agreement patterns -at least in Romance languages -which I consider an interface of semantics and syntax). Consequently, at these interfaces, optionality is to be expected in bilinguals' use of pronominals.…”

Section: Hypothesismentioning

confidence: 98%

Language Contact Phenomena in Maya under Spanish Influence – A Case Study on the Use of Pronominals in Yucatec Maya

Brinkmann

2023

RRL

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This contribution aims to analyse the language contact phenomena between Yucatec Maya and Spanish, focusing specifically on the case of pronominals. This empirical study takes place in the village of Xocén in Yucatán, Mexico where most locals speak Maya while Spanish is the official language also spoken by many (bilingual) locals. The use of pronominals in Maya differs from Spanish in terms of morphology, functions, case assignment, syntactic conditions, and discourse conditions. I apply the interface hypothesis developed by Sorace (2011) which expects bilinguals to show optionality in the use of pronominals that require specific syntactic and discourse conditions (interface), and the contact-induced language change hypothesis developed by Heine and Kuteva (2003) which expects the formation of the pronominals in Maya to be influenced by Spanish. In a case study with three monolingual Mayan speakers and six bilingual Mayan-Spanish speakers, I collected freely produced speech data in Maya focusing on the use of pronominals and analysed the different functions these pronominals fulfil. The results show that bilinguals do display optionality regarding certain pronominals that exist at interfaces and that no influence of Spanish can be found in the Mayan pronominal system. Therefore, Maya-Spanish bilingualism can be better characterised by Sorace’s interface hypothesis (2011) than by contact-induced grammaticalisation (Heine and Kuteva 2003).

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“…Let us turn to cases where it is optional, that is, languages where an overt PRO alternates with a null one. Documentation of such cases has emerged in Romance languages and also in Hungarian (Barbosa, 2018, 2022; Belletti, 2005; Cardinaletti, 1999; Herbeck, 2015, 2018; Landau, 2015; Livitz, 2011; Szabolcsi, 2009; Torrego, 1996). Typically, the alternation is semantically significant: the controlled overt pronoun is associated with exhaustive or contrastive focus, and is often (but not always) accompanied by some focus‐sensitive particle.…”

Section: Overt Promentioning

confidence: 99%

Noncanonical Obligatory Control

Landau

2024

Language and Linguist. Compass

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Intensive research on Obligatory Control (OC) in the past 2 decades has revealed a rich crosslinguistic terrain of deviations from the classical format. Five types of noncanonical OC are surveyed here: Finite control, controlled overt pronouns, partial control, proxy control and crossed control. Each one is described and illustrated, paying attention to methodological difficulties in establishing its characteristic empirical signature. We then turn to a critical assessment of leading theoretical accounts of these phenomena, pointing to merits and faults, and indicating how they can be integrated with broader concerns of syntactic theory.

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Deriving Null, Strong and Emphatic Pronouns in Romance Pro-Drop Languages

Cited by 4 publications

References 51 publications

Interpretive asymmetries between null and overt PRO in complement and adjunct infinitives in (Colombian) Spanish

Interpretive asymmetries between null and overt PRO in complement and adjunct infinitives in (Colombian) Spanish

Language Contact Phenomena in Maya under Spanish Influence – A Case Study on the Use of Pronominals in Yucatec Maya

Noncanonical Obligatory Control

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