The most frequent indicator of whether or not criminals continue offending has been recidivism rates, which are, on average, around 50% (Zara & Farrington, 2016). This rate means that the remaining 50% of offenders do not re-offend. This percentage can be interpreted as the static figure of crime cessation. However, desistance from crime, albeit quantitatively inverse to the global recidivism rate (Polascheck, 2016; Walker, Bowen, & Brown, 2013), is a more complex and dynamic process than just the final result of whether a person recidivates or not. For this reason, research into desistance requires paying attention to personal and social factors throughout the lives and criminal histories of those offenders who recidivate or desist from crime (Cid & Martí, 2012; Liem & Richardson, 2014). The study of the desistance process and its related factors has gained increasing interest during recent years and given rise to a specific field of criminal analysis (Abeling-Judge, 2017). It is closely linked to both the assessment of criminal careers (Farrington, 2007) and the evaluation of offenders' desistance narratives (Maruna, 2015). The concept of "desistance narratives" refers to those stories in which people express their rupture (