Developing judgments about peers' obligation to intervene

Marshall, Julia; Mermin-Bunnell, Kellen; Bloom, Paul

doi:10.1016/j.cognition.2020.104215

Cited by 19 publications

(30 citation statements)

References 45 publications

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“…The present research also replicates and extends past developmental work. For instance, we replicate findings that children between the ages of three and five consider individuals equally obligated to help regardless of social relationship (Dahl et al, 2020) and that children around the age of seven begin to consider social relationship when ascribing prosocial obligations Marshall, Mermin-Bunnell, & Bloom, 2020;Miller et al, 1990). Additionally, our findings replicate past cross-cultural developmental effects.…”

Section: Theoretical Contributionssupporting

confidence: 75%

“…Yes or no?” We included this item for two reasons. First, we aimed to replicate previous research by Marshall et al (2020) 2 . Second, we considered the possibility that variation in participants’ obligation judgments may result from variation in participants’ expectations, as previous research would indicate (Mende-Siedlecki et al, 2013).…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 92%

“…Most people believe that close others, including family and friends, are obligated to help one another (Haidt & Baron, 1996; Marshall et al, 2020; McManus et al, 2020; Miller et al, 1990). To provide help to unknown others, in contrast, is often seen as supererogatory—going above and beyond the call of duty (Aquinas, 1948).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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How development and culture shape intuitions about prosocial obligations.

Marshall¹,

Gollwitzer²,

Mermin-Bunnell³

et al. 2022

Journal of Experimental Psychology: General

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Do children, like most adults, believe that only kin and close others are obligated to help one another? In two studies (total N = 1140), we examined whether children (~5-to ~10-yos) and adults across five different societies consider social relationship when ascribing prosocial obligations. Contrary to the view that such discriminations are a natural default in human reasoning, younger children in the United States (Studies 1 and 2) and across cultures (Study 2) generally judged everyone-parents, friends, and strangers-as obligated to help someone-inneed. Older children and adults, on the other hand, tended to exhibit more discriminant judgments. They considered parents more obligated to help than friends followed by strangers-though this effect was stronger in some cultures than others. Our findings suggest that children's initial sense of prosocial obligation in social-relational contexts starts out broad and generally becomes more selective over the course of development.

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Section: Theoretical Contributionssupporting

confidence: 75%

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 92%

See 1 more Smart Citation

How development and culture shape intuitions about prosocial obligations.

Marshall¹,

Gollwitzer²,

Mermin-Bunnell³

et al. 2022

Journal of Experimental Psychology: General

Self Cite

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“…At 5-9 years, when they were asked to evaluate both a punishment given to an unfair transgressor and help given to the victim of unfair distribution, they show a preference for helping over punishing (Lee & Warneken, 2020). Also, school-aged children think their peers should intervene to protect the victim of antisocial actions (Marshall, Mermin-Bunnell et al, 2020).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Toddlers' expectations of third‐party punishments and rewards following an act of aggression

Geraci

Surian

2021

Aggressive Behavior

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“…A number of theorists have highlighted relational context as likely to be important for understanding moral judgment and behavior (9,11,(14)(15)(16)(17). In line with these developments, there is now a small but growing empirical literature which explores how moral judgments vary across different types of social relationships (18)(19)(20)(21)(22)(23)(24)(25)(26)(27)(28)(29)(30)(31). What is missing, however, is a comprehensive, theoretically coherent, data-driven account of how, when, and why social relationships shape particular moral judgments (13).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

How social relationships shape moral wrongness judgments

Bd¹,

Kl²,

Monrad³

et al. 2020

Preprint

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Our judgments of whether an action is morally wrong depend on who is involved and their relationship to one another. But how, when, and why do social relationships shape such judgments? Here we provide new theory and evidence to address this question. In a pre- registered study of U.S. participants (n = 423, nationally representative for age, race and gender), we show that particular social relationships (like those between romantic partners, housemates, or siblings) are normatively expected to serve distinct cooperative functions – including care, reciprocity, hierarchy, and mating – to different degrees. In a second pre- registered study (n = 1,320) we show that these relationship-specific norms, in turn, influence the severity of moral judgments concerning the wrongness of actions that violate cooperative expectations. These data provide evidence for a unifying theory of relational morality that makes highly precise out-of-sample predictions about specific patterns of moral judgments across relationships. Our findings show how the perceived morality of actions depends not only on the actions themselves, but also on the relational context in which those actions occur.

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Developing judgments about peers' obligation to intervene

Cited by 19 publications

References 45 publications

How development and culture shape intuitions about prosocial obligations.

How development and culture shape intuitions about prosocial obligations.

Toddlers' expectations of third‐party punishments and rewards following an act of aggression

How social relationships shape moral wrongness judgments

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