Development and Crisis of the Welfare State

Huber, Évelyne; Stephens, John D.

doi:10.7208/chicago/9780226356495.001.0001

Cited by 1,844 publications

(393 citation statements)

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“…The reverse holds true for structural conditions. This problem is somewhat inherent to current conceptualizations of path dependency; it is frequently criticized for being either too deterministic (Huber and Stevens 2001), too contingent (Schwartz 2004), or both (Thelen 1999(Thelen , 2003. A possible solution to these problems seems to lie in what Mills (2000Mills ( [1959) has called the ''sociological imagination''-understanding the intersecting of biography and history-and that would require an analysis on different timescales.…”

Section: Discussion: Traps Comparedmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Historical Dynamics of Social–Ecological Traps

Boonstra

Boer

2013

AMBIO

106

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Environmental degradation is a typical unintended outcome of collective human behavior. Hardin's metaphor of the ''tragedy of the commons'' has become a conceived wisdom that captures the social dynamics leading to environmental degradation. Recently, ''traps'' has gained currency as an alternative concept to explain the rigidity of social and ecological processes that produce environmental degradation and livelihood impoverishment. The trap metaphor is, however, a great deal more complex compared to Hardin's insight. This paper takes stock of studies using the trap metaphor. It argues that the concept includes time and history in the analysis, but only as background conditions and not as a factor of causality. From a historical-sociological perspective this is remarkable since social-ecological traps are clearly path-dependent processes, which are causally produced through a conjunction of events. To prove this point the paper conceptualizes social-ecological traps as a process instead of a condition, and systematically compares history and timing in one classic and three recent studies of socialecological traps. Based on this comparison it concludes that conjunction of social and environmental events contributes profoundly to the production of trap processes. The paper further discusses the implications of this conclusion for policy intervention and outlines how future research might generalize insights from historical-sociological studies of traps.

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Section: Discussion: Traps Comparedmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Historical Dynamics of Social–Ecological Traps

Boonstra

Boer

2013

AMBIO

106

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“…Less poverty results because generous welfare states insure against economic insecurity and redistribute resources downward in the income distribution (Esping-Andersen 1999;Huber and Stephens 2001;Korpi and Palme 1998).…”

Section: Feminist Critiques Of "Similar Causes"mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…While public employment contributes to gender equality and may benefit lowincome women (Gornick 1999;Jacobs 1998), Brady (2005) finds that public employment does not significantly reduce poverty. Last, labor market institutions and women in parliament, political causes of welfare generosity, might channel through or combine with the welfare state to reduce poverty, and even potentially reduce the feminization of poverty (Brady 2003c;Huber and Stephens 2001;Sainsbury 1999). Indeed, Blau and Kahn (2003) show that labor market institutions (e.g.…”

Section: Feminist Critiques Of "Similar Causes"mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In some regards, these results further undermine power resources theory as an explanation of the feminization of poverty. According to power resources theory, labor market institutions and women in parliament are important because they pressure for an expansion of the welfare state (Huber and Stephens 2001). But, these variables are not associated with the feminization of poverty.…”

Section: Feminist Critiques Of "Similar Causes"mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Nearly universal, but somewhat distinct: The feminization of poverty in affluent Western democracies, 1969–2000

Brady¹,

Kall²

2008

Social Science Research

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Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen:Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden.Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen.Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. Terms of use: Documents in EconStor may ABSTRACTOur study extends research on the feminization of poverty by analyzing the variation in women's, men's and feminized poverty across affluent democracies from 1969 to 2000. Specifically, we address three issues. First, we provide more recent estimates of adult women's and men's poverty and the ratio of women's to men's poverty with two different poverty measures. We suggest that by incorporating the elderly, the feminization of poverty may be greater than previously estimated. The feminization of poverty is nearly universal across affluent Western democracies 1969-2000. Second, we show that women's, men's and overall poverty are highly correlated, but the feminization of poverty diverges as a distinct social problem. Third, we find that women's, men's and overall poverty share several correlates, particularly the welfare state, though some differences exist. At the same time, several of our findings differ with past research. The feminization of poverty is only influenced by social security transfers, single motherhood, and the sex ratios of the elderly and labor force participation. While power resources theory probably best explains women's, men's and overall poverty, structural theory may best explain the feminization of poverty. We conclude by discussing how analyses of the feminization of poverty contribute to debates on poverty and gender inequality.

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“…According to the power resources approach, the ability of left governments to deliver progressive social legislation crucially depends on trade union strength and their ability to mobilize workers politically (e.g., Korpi 1983;Huber and Stephens 2001). The political links between left-wing parties and trade unions have historically been strong.…”

Section: The Argumentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Protecting labor rights in preferential trade agreements: The role of trade unions, left governments, and skilled labor

2018

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This paper investigates variation in the design of labor provisions in preferential trade agreements (PTAs) by focusing on the power of trade unions, the role of government partisanship, and the relative strength of skilled labor. We expect strong trade unions and leftleaning governments to be associated with more, and more far-reaching labor provisions in PTAs. We also expect the strength of skilled workers relative to the strength of unskilled workers to negatively correlate with the depth of labor provisions in PTAs. In addition, the effect of trade unions should be conditional on both the presence of left government and democracy. We test these hypotheses relying on an original dataset of labor provisions included in 483 PTAs signed between 1990 and 2016. This dataset covers 140 different labor provisions that relate to six overarching dimensions. The quantitative analysis finds Rev Int Organ (2018) 13:143-162 https://doi

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Development and Crisis of the Welfare State

Cited by 1,844 publications

References 0 publications

The Historical Dynamics of Social–Ecological Traps

The Historical Dynamics of Social–Ecological Traps

Nearly universal, but somewhat distinct: The feminization of poverty in affluent Western democracies, 1969–2000

Protecting labor rights in preferential trade agreements: The role of trade unions, left governments, and skilled labor

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