Diasporas and democratization in the post-communist world

Abstract

If diaspora communities are socialized with democratic values in Western societies, they could be expected to be sympathetic to the democratization of their home countries. However, there is a high degree of variation in their behavior. Contrary to the predominant understanding in the literature that diasporas act in exclusively nationalist ways, this article argues that they do engage with the democratization of their home countries. Various challenges to the sovereignty of their homelands explain whether diasporas involve with procedural or liberal aspects of democratization. Drawing evidence from the activities of the Ukrainian, Serbian, Albanian and Armenian diasporas after the end of communism, I argue that unless diasporas are linked to home countries that enjoy both international legal and domestic sovereignty, they will involve only with procedural aspects of democratization. Diasporas filter international pressure to democratize post-communist societies by utilizing democratic procedures to advance unresolved nationalist goals.

Diaspora mobilisation for conflict and post-conflict reconstruction: contextual and comparative dimensions

“…The book sought to challenge simplistic notions that diasporas are either moderate or radical actors, and brought empirical evidence that they can be both. In the book's aftermath, scholarship grew exponentially to emphasise that there is no direct relationship between conflict-generated diasporas and their conflict-prone agency, but that conditions, causal mechanisms, and processes of diaspora mobilisation need to be deeply scrutinised (Mavroudi 2008;Orjuela 2008;Brinkerhoff 2009Brinkerhoff , 2011Brinkerhoff , 2016Koinova 2009Koinova , 2011Koinova , 2014Lyons and Mandaville 2010;Carling, Erdal, and Horst 2012;Adamson 2013;Horst 2013;Karabegovic 2014;Cochrane 2015;Abramson 2017). Comparative work began to emerge, primarily in illustrative ways, drawing empirical evidence from the same diaspora in different countries, and theoretically emphasising diaspora agency (Brinkerhoff 2016) and possibilities and limits to diaspora cooperation (Carment and Sadjied 2017).…”

Migrant Political Participation and Voting Behavior in Romania

“…Refugees from war torn countries, political asylum recipients can have stronger pro democratic attitudes. At the same time ethnic emigrants would have more hostile attitudes towards the political system of the country of origin (Koinova 2009). …”

Diaspora and Transnationalism : Concepts, Theories and Methods

“…More recently, the Ethiopian and Kurdish diasporas have been promoting moderate politics in their homelands ravaged by internal wars (Lyons 2006;Koser 2007;Natali 2007;Zunzer 2008). Diasporas have been able to promote liberal ideals and participate in the democratisation of their home countries before the end of communism and thereafter (Shain 1999;Biswas 2007;Koinova 2009). …”

“…However, a number of scholars have incorporated ideas from this scholarship into their works, seeking to capture dynamics in diaspora politics. Most notably, the opening of political opportunity structures -such as the onset of wars, withdrawal of foreign troops and the political opportunities available in the host country and the international environment -have been deemed important for the political mobilisation of diasporas (Wayland 2004;Adamson 2005a;Brinkerhoff 2006;Smith & Stares 2007;Natali 2007;Skrbic 2007;Koinova 2009). Political opportunities both constrain and enable diasporas, determining to a certain extent their ideological and strategic choices (Biswas 2004).…”

“…I have argued elsewhere that this difference owes to the fact that the Ukrainian diaspora was linked to the newly independent state of Ukraine since 1991 (Koinova 2009). Unlike Poland, which alongside Japan is one of the most internally homogeneous states in the world, Ukrainian society is deeply divided between Ukrainians and speakers of Russian in Ukraine.…”