Die klitischen Personalpronomina im Französischen und und Portugiesischen

Kaiser, Georg

doi:10.31819/9783964562340

Cited by 18 publications

(5 citation statements)

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“…e. g. Dardell & Kok (1996); Kok (1985). As shown in Kaiser (1992) and Kok (1985: 152 ff. ), the literature has yet to agree on a standard use for the terms 'enclisis' and 'proclisis,' since the syntactic and the phonological criteria for their use are not always revealed and vary on the cross-individual level.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 85%

“…Embick 1997). In this respect, I pair with adherents of the non-transformational solution, and especially with those who conceive the categorical status of object clitics as different from independent words (e. g., Kaiser 1992, Miller & Sag 1997, Monachesi 1999, Roberge 1990). The agents of this conception have adduced numerous arguments in favor of the syntactic 17.…”

Section: Advantages Of the Presented Analysismentioning

confidence: 98%

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The Distributed Morphology of Object Clitics in Modern French

Goldbach

2007

Zeitschrift Für Sprachwissenschaft

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In modern French, as in all Romance languages, the combination of two object clitics is subject to rigid ordering and co-occurrence constraints. The present paper shows that constraints of both kinds can be ascribed to systematically operating impoverishment processes in the sense of Distributed Morphology (Bonet 1995;Halle & Marantz 1993) without recourse to templates (cf. Miller & Sag 1997; Perlmutter 1971, etc.). The system that will be presented below is consistent, complete and non-redundant. Thus, it fulfils the essential metatheoretical qualifications of a formal system. The assumption of this paper is that the object clitics are postsyntactically inserted dissociated morphemes that are, prior to further operations kicking in, preverbally linearized. The postposition present in the positive imperative is brought about by another, subsequent, postsyntactic operation, i. e. by local dislocation. Or, put another way, there is an operational level in which the object clitics are arranged before the verb. Only on a downstream operational level do the object clitics move behind the verb.In this article I do not submit any new empirical findings on the modern French clitic system. My aim is to harness the well-known phenomena for modelling them in Distributed Morphology.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 85%

Section: Advantages Of the Presented Analysismentioning

confidence: 98%

The Distributed Morphology of Object Clitics in Modern French

Goldbach

2007

Zeitschrift Für Sprachwissenschaft

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“…Most scholars working on Old Romance see the object clitics of all Old Romance languages as homogeneous in their characteristics (among many others: Wanner 1987, Kaiser 1992, Maaßen 1994. The characteristics usually taken into account to prove this homogeneity are (a) interpolation, i.e., clitic and verb can be separated by other constituents, (b) the fact that Old Romance clitics do not appear in initial position, and most important of all, since it is taken as direct proof for their enclitic character, (c) they do not appear in postverbal position in embedded clauses.…”

Section: Placement Variation Of Catalan Pronoun Cliticsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Rethinking the Tobler-Mussafia Law

Fischer

2003

DIA

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It has been argued repeatedly that the Old Romance clitics are phrasal in character and obey a Romance version of the Wackernagel law, i.e. the Tobler-Mussafia law (cf. Tobler 1875; Mussafia 1888). This law has been interpreted as a constraint that forbids clitics to appear in initial position, due to their status as phonologically enclitic elements, and it was often taken as the explanation of why Old Romance clitics could follow the verb in matrix sentences but never in embedded sentences. Under this view the change in clitic placement from Old to Modern Romance was explained with a change in the categorial status of the clitic itself, i.e. as long as clitics were moving as phrases the ban on clitic-first orders was active and thus clitics were sometimes forced to follow the verb in matrix sentences. Old Catalan clitics contradict this view. They precede and follow the verb in matrix as well as in embedded sentences even though they need to be analyzed as heads from the beginning onwards. In this paper I argue that the change in clitic placement is neither connected to the clitics’ phrasal character nor to their obedience to the Tobler-Mussafia law, but that it is the parameter determining the relative order between verb and clitic that has changed its value in the development from Old to Modern Catalan. The data I present is taken from a corpus of more than 7000 sentences covering the last eight centuries.

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“…Whereas some authors classify French as a strongly analytic language, it has also been claimed since the early 1960s that French has rather developed towards a synthetic language after the clitization of the preverbal subject pronouns, the main difference to the other Romance languages consisting in the pre-modification of French in contrast to Southern and traditional Romance post-modification (see Weinrich 1962). In generative terms, this means that French would still be a pro-drop language (Kaiser 1992), with the former pronouns je, tu, il, elle, on, vous, ils being preverbal inflectional affixes that can be reinforced by diachronically more recent overt subjects moi, toi, lui/elle, nous, vous, eux: Old French: travaille > Middle French/standard written modern French je travaille (obligatory pronoun) > modern spoken French moi, je travaille (with a tendency to phonic reduction of the "affix" je: mwaʃt'vaj) Figure 6: Evolution of subject marking in French…”

Section: Subject Cliticsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The romance languages

1997

Choice Reviews Online

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Die klitischen Personalpronomina im Französischen und und Portugiesischen

Cited by 18 publications

References 0 publications

The Distributed Morphology of Object Clitics in Modern French

The Distributed Morphology of Object Clitics in Modern French

Rethinking the Tobler-Mussafia Law

The romance languages

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