Differences in the physical growth of US-born black and white children and adolescents ages 2–19, born 1942–2002

Komlos, John; Breitfelder, Ariane

doi:10.1080/03014460701747176

Cited by 34 publications

(18 citation statements)

References 19 publications

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“…In short, there are both independent and significant effects for our two socio-economic variables —education and income. Although not of direct relevance to our hypotheses, it also worth noting that Black children have slightly taller predicted heights than White children consistent with Komlos and Breitfelder’s (2008) finding of a faster tempo of growth among Black children. Further, Spanish-speaking mothers also have children with taller predicted heights.…”

Section: Resultssupporting

confidence: 81%

Socio-economic status and z-score standardized height-for-age of U.S.-born children (ages 2–6)

Finch

Beck

2011

Economics & Human Biology

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This study explores socio-economic gradients in height (stature-for-age) among a nationally representative sample of 2–6 year old children in the United States. We use NHANES III (1988–1994) Youth data linked with a special Natality Data supplement which contains information from birth certificates among sampled NHANES III Youth who are less than 7 years of age. Our results indicate significant socioeconomic gradients for both maternal education and family income, net of controls for confounders, including: birth weight, gestational age, family size, and parental heights. These results are in stark contrast to those from other developed countries that seem to indicate diminished or eliminated socioeconomic disparities, net of known confounders. In the United States, it appears that socio-economic gradients have an effect on birth outcomes, and continue to have an additional direct and independent effect on height, even in early childhood.

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Section: Resultssupporting

confidence: 81%

Socio-economic status and z-score standardized height-for-age of U.S.-born children (ages 2–6)

Finch

Beck

2011

Economics & Human Biology

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“…The finding of a significant association between height and race/ethnicity is convergent with other studies that have examined the association between race/ethnicity and height (Komlos, 2010; Komlos & Brabec, 2011; Komlos & Breitfelder, 2008; Skorska & Bogaert, 2016). Also, the finding that greater education is associated with being taller has been found in previous studies (Huang, van Poppel, & Lumey, 2015; Meyer & Selmer, 1999; Palta, Prineas, Berman, & Hannan, 1982).…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 84%

Pubertal Stress and Nutrition and their Association with Sexual Orientation and Height in the Add Health Data

Skorska

Bogaert²

2016

Arch Sex Behav

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A number of studies have indicated that gay men tend to be shorter, on average, than heterosexual men. Less evidence exists that lesbian women are taller, on average, than heterosexual women. The most popular explanation of the association between sexual orientation and height involves prenatal factors, such that, for example, gay men may have been exposed to lower than typical androgens during fetal development, which impacts their height and sexual orientation as adults. An alternative explanation involves stress, given that stress has been associated with sexual minority identification and with lower height. Another alternative explanation involves nutrition, although its relationship is less clear with sexual minority identification. Using the Add Health data, which is a large, nationally representative and longitudinal sample of American adolescents (n = 14,786), we tested a mediation model, such that sexual orientation → pubertal stress/nutrition → height. Within men, we found that gay men (n = 126) were shorter, on average, than heterosexual men (n = 6412). None of the 24 pubertal stress-related and 15 pubertal nutrition-related variables assessed in the Add Health data mediated the relationship between sexual orientation and height in men. Within women, lesbians (n = 75) did not differ significantly in stature compared to heterosexual women (n = 6267). Thus, prenatal mechanisms (e.g., hormones, maternal immune response) are likely better candidates for explaining the height difference between gay men and heterosexual men.

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“…This study does not focus on biological processes associated with LBW, although some physiological variables associated with social characteristics are examined. The available physiological variables include maternal BMI before pregnancy, maternal weight gain during pregnancy, maternal height, and past pregnancy terminations (Abrams & Selvin, 1995; Komlos & Breitfelder, 2008; Kramer, 1987; Kramer, et al, 2000; Ogunyemi, et al, 1998; Shah & Zao, 2009). Improved understanding of how these social, behavioral, and physiological factors relate to age, race/ethnicity, and LBW informs our understanding of the factors that contribute to birth outcomes in a diverse population.…”

Section: Previous Researchmentioning

confidence: 99%

Young maternal age and low birth weight risk: An exploration of racial/ethnic disparities in the birth outcomes of mothers in the United States

Dennis

Mollborn

2013

The Social Science Journal

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This study considers how low birth weight (LBW) prevalence varies by race/ethnicity and maternal age and explores mechanisms that explain disparities. Results show that maternal age patterns in LBW risk for African Americans differ from whites and foreign- and U.S.-born Hispanics. Background socioeconomic disadvantage, together with current socioeconomic status and smoking during pregnancy, explain almost all of the LBW disparity between white teenage mothers and their older counterparts. These findings suggest that social disadvantage is a primary driver in unfavorable birth outcomes among white teenage mothers compared to older white mothers. Alternatively, background disadvantage and other social characteristics explain very little of the LBW disparities among African Americans and U.S.- and foreign-born Hispanics. Overall, these results indicate LBW disparities by maternal age are a complex product of socioeconomic disadvantage and current social and behavioral factors, such that LBW risk does not operate uniformly by race/ethnicity or maternal age.

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Differences in the physical growth of US-born black and white children and adolescents ages 2–19, born 1942–2002

Abstract: Blacks have a faster tempo of linear growth in childhood partly on account of their nutritional habits, as girls in particular tend to have higher BMI values, and partly probably because of genetic differences.

Cited by 34 publications

References 19 publications

Socio-economic status and z-score standardized height-for-age of U.S.-born children (ages 2–6)

Socio-economic status and z-score standardized height-for-age of U.S.-born children (ages 2–6)

Pubertal Stress and Nutrition and their Association with Sexual Orientation and Height in the Add Health Data

Young maternal age and low birth weight risk: An exploration of racial/ethnic disparities in the birth outcomes of mothers in the United States

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