Dimensions in the Perception of Fortis and Lenis Plosives

Köhler, Klaus J.

doi:10.1159/000259970

Cited by 73 publications

(73 citation statements)

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“…A very similar phenomenon has been demonstrated for several other Germanic languages in production (Bannert, 1976;BIert, 1964;Garnes, 1973;Kohler, Note 10;Kohler & Kunzel, Note 11) and in perception (Bannert, 1976;Kohler, 1979). Kohler's (1979, Note 10) results on the role of the ratio of V to C as a voicing cue in German are very similar to the results for English.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 74%

Consonant/vowel ratio as a cue for voicing in English

Port

Dalby

1982

Perception & Psychophysics

143

121

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Several experiments investigate voicing judgments in minimal pairs like rabid-rapid when the duration of the first vowel and the medial stop are varied factorially and other cues for voicing remain ambiguous. In Experiments 1 and 2, in which synthetic labial and velar-stop voicing pairs are investigated, the perceptual boundary along a continuum of silent consonant durations varies in constant proportion to increases in the duration of the preceding vocalic interval.In Experiment 3, it is shown that speaking tempo external to the test word has far smaller effects on a closure duration boundary for voicing than does the tempo within the test word. Experiment 4 shows that, even within the word, it is primarily the preceding vowel that accounts for changes in the consonant duration effects. Furthermore, in Experiments 3 and 4, the effects of timing outside the vowel-consonant interval are independent of the duration of that interval itself. These findings suggest that consonant/vowel ratio serves as a primary acoustic cue for English voicing in syllable-final position and imply that this ratio possibly is directly extracted from the speech signal.Twenty-five years ago, Denes (1955) reported an interesting phenomenon regarding the perception of phonological voicing by English listeners. He found that a voiceless final fricative in a synthetically constructed monosyllable could be heard as having either the plus or minus value of the English voicing feature, depending on the relative duration of the vowel and final fricative itself for words like his and hiss.

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 74%

Consonant/vowel ratio as a cue for voicing in English

Port

Dalby

1982

Perception & Psychophysics

143

121

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“…The likelihood that a listener will identify a postvocalic stop as [+voice] is known to be affected by the preceding vowel's duration (Denes, 1955;Raphael, 1972), the stop's own closure duration (Lisker, 1957), and by the ratio of these two durations to one another (Kohler, 1979;Port & Dalby, 1982), with the consonant: vowel (C:V) duration ratio being small for [+voice] stops and large for [−voice] ones. Two acoustic properties that contribute to the percept of the low frequency property, F 1 at vowel edge and closure voicing, not only interact perceptually with this ratio, but do so in a way that depends on their own integration.…”

Section: Steadymentioning

confidence: 99%

On the internal perceptual structure of distinctive features: The [voice] contrast

Kingston

Diehl

Kirk

et al. 2008

Journal of Phonetics

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Several fixed classification experiments test the hypothesis that F 1 , f 0 , and closure voicing covary between intervocalic stops contrasting for [voice] because they integrate perceptually. The perceptual property produced by the integration of these acoustic properties was at first predicted to be the presence of low frequency energy in the vicinity of the stop, which is considerable in [+voice] stops but slight in [−voice] stops. Both F 1 and f 0 at the edges of vowels flanking the stop were found to integrate perceptually with the continuation of voicing into the stop, but not to integrate with one another. These results indicate that the perceptually relevant property is instead the continuation of low frequency energy across the vowel-consonant border and not merely the amount of low frequency energy present near the stop. Other experiments establish that neither F 1 nor f 0 at vowel edge integrate perceptually with closure duration, which shows that only auditorily similar properties integrate and not any two properties that reliably covary. Finally, the experiments show that these acoustic properties integrate perceptually (or fail to) in the same way in non-speech analogues as in the original speech. This result indicates that integration arises from the auditory similarity of certain acoustic correlates of the [voice] contrast.

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“…For higher f 0's, listeners more often report hearing voiceless consonants ͑i.e., ͓pa͔͒. This finding is extremely robust, and has been reported across multiple phonetic contexts, using a variety of measures ͑e.g., Chistovich, 1969;Haggard et al, 1970;Fujimura, 1971;Cohen, 1976, 1977;Derr and Massaro, 1980;Gruenenfelder and Pisoni, 1980;Haggard et al, 1981;Kohler, 1985;Kohler and van Dommelen, 1986;Whalen et al, 1993;Castleman and Diehl, 1996͒. Perception of voiced versus voiceless consonants thus follows the regularities of speech production. Much has been made of this correspondence and a good deal of speculation has surrounded the question of why f 0 and VOT covary in speech production ͑e.g., Kingston and Diehl, 1994͒.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Influence of fundamental frequency on stop-consonant voicing perception: A case of learned covariation or auditory enhancement?

Holt

Lotto

Kluender

1999

The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America

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For stimuli modeling stop consonants varying in the acoustic correlates of voice onset time ͑VOT͒, human listeners are more likely to perceive stimuli with lower f 0's as voiced consonants-a pattern of perception that follows regularities in English speech production. The present study examines the basis of this observation. One hypothesis is that lower f 0's enhance perception of voiced stops by virtue of perceptual interactions that arise from the operating characteristics of the auditory system. A second hypothesis is that this perceptual pattern develops as a result of experience with f 0-voicing covariation. In a test of these hypotheses, Japanese quail learned to respond to stimuli drawn from a series varying in VOT through training with one of three patterns of f 0-voicing covariation. Voicing and f 0 varied in the natural pattern ͑shorter VOT, lower f 0͒, in an inverse pattern ͑shorter VOT, higher f 0͒, or in a random pattern ͑no f 0-voicing covariation͒. Birds trained with stimuli that had no f 0-voicing covariation exhibited no effect of f 0 on response to novel stimuli varying in VOT. For the other groups, birds' responses followed the experienced pattern of covariation. These results suggest f 0 does not exert an obligatory influence on categorization of consonants as ͓VOICE͔ and emphasize the learnability of covariation among acoustic characteristics of speech.

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Dimensions in the Perception of Fortis and Lenis Plosives

Cited by 73 publications

References 0 publications

Consonant/vowel ratio as a cue for voicing in English

Consonant/vowel ratio as a cue for voicing in English

On the internal perceptual structure of distinctive features: The [voice] contrast

Influence of fundamental frequency on stop-consonant voicing perception: A case of learned covariation or auditory enhancement?

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