Dimensions of life satisfaction: Immigrant and ethnic minorities

Abstract

The article investigates the dimensions of life satisfaction of immigrant and ethnic minorities comparing them with the majority population. It constructs a theoretical framework, taking into account both pecuniary and non‐pecuniary dimensions of welfare. This study is based on the data of the Social Survey, administered by the Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics. Immigrants in this study are regarded as a migrant minority and Israeli‐born Arab citizens as an ethnic minority. The results reveal significant life satisfaction gaps between the groups, which can be partially explained by the value of work per se and the value of leisure activities. Applying the Blinder‐Oaxaca decomposition technique, the study revealed that the gap in life satisfaction could be attributed both to the differences in pecuniary and non‐pecuniary resources for each group, and to different returns on resources. Policy targeted on increasing the economic possibilities of minority groups would decrease the life satisfaction gaps.

International Migration and the (Un)happiness Push: Evidence from Polish Longitudinal Data

“…Our finding that migrants were relatively unhappier than non-migrants (and were largely drawn from unhappier households) adds another important piece for testing the Grimes and Wesselbaum (2019) hypothesis of a convergence in happiness between major origin and host countries. While more evidence is accumulating on the relationship between happiness and migration for migrants and natives (e.g., Betz and Simpson 2013;Kushnirovich and Sherman 2018), we still know very little about what happens to the level of happiness of household members left behind. Similarly, it would be interesting to investigate the effect of return migration on happiness for the returnee and his/her family.…”

Harnessing Digital Media in the Fight Against Prejudice: Social Contact and Exposure to Digital Media Solutions

“…However, in practice, until 1966, their rights were suspended as they were ruled by a military administration, which was justified as a security measure against a potentially hostile population (Shafir & Peled, 2002). In addition, discriminatory state policies have contributed to the socioeconomic segregation of the Arab population in Israel (Kushnirovich & Sherman, 2018). About 80% of Arab communities are rated in the four lowest socioeconomic deciles of the CBS, whereas no Arab communities are ranked in the four upper deciles (Abraham Fund, 2013).…”

“…The Jewish population in Israel is not homogeneous and consists of subethnic groups: Jews who arrived to Israel from Europe-America and their descendants, called Ashkenazim; Jews from mostly Muslim countries of Asia and North Africa, called Mizrachim or Sephardim (Smooha, 2008); and Jews from Ethiopia, who are usually considered a separate group (Kushnirovich & Youngmann, 2017). Discriminatory attitudes and prejudice exist also within the Jewish population, especially toward the two latter groups (Kushnirovich & Sherman, 2018), and are pronounced not only for the first, but also for the second generation. Disadvantaged groups, especially Sephardic Jews from Arab countries in the Middle East and North Africa, may try to distance themselves from the Israeli Arabs, and therefore, have different discriminatory attitudes toward them.…”

More than Money: The Importance of Social Exchanges for Temporary Low‐Skilled Migrant Workers’ Workplace Satisfaction

“…Migrant workers’ workplace satisfaction differs from the satisfaction of immigrants in general, and understanding the workplace satisfaction of migrant workers requires a specific examination of workplace factors as direct determinants. Scholars have examined happiness or satisfaction after migration and provided several results showing that migration as a means of gaining an increased income would not necessarily be accompanied by greater happiness after migration (e.g., Aycan and Berry, ; Polgreen and Simpson, ; Bartram, ); that the overemphasis on the extrinsic value of migrants might make them less happy than natives (Hendriks, ); and that the subjective wellbeing or happiness after migration would differ according to factors such as ethnic groups and social networks (Amit and Riss, ; Kushnirovich and Sherman, ). Workplace satisfaction may represent an important portion of the life satisfaction of temporary migrant workers but, at the same time, their satisfaction should be notably influenced by unique workplace situations.…”