for this renewed urgency to build dams is the need for hydropower for growing economies. Construction is often legitimized by referring to hydropower's relatively low carbon emission in comparison with fossil-fuel based energy generation (Crow Miller et al., 2017). The need for buffering for climatic variability also contributes to increased demand for dams (Kurukulasuriya & Rosenthal. 2013). In Thailand, many dams have been constructed for hydropower and, to a lesser extent, for irrigation, industry and domestic water supply. These include 97 large dams (>100 hm 3) with a total of 73,944 hm 3 storage that have been built to irrigate 2.8 million ha (e.g. Srinagarind, Bhumipol, Sirikit, Vaijiralongkorn, and Rat Cha Prapa). However most dams are medium (860 projects with 5,180 hm 3 providing irrigation water for 1.1 million ha) and small (19,392 projects with 3,288 hm 3 to irrigate an area of 5.4 million ha) (RID, 2018c) in size. The Royal Irrigation Department (RID) is the main government agency responsible for the planning and construction of small-, medium-, and large-sized dams. In particular, RID proposes suitable interventions to the Thai government and operates the policy process of dam construction for multiple purposes (RID, 2010; 2018a). The Energy Generating Authority of Thailand (EGAT) is responsible for large dams that mainly have a hydropower purpose. Despite the many existing dams, in many regions of Thailand the agriculture and industry sectors require increased water supply. Building of both large and smaller dams has encountered resistance in Thailand from local communities. Many massive protests have been organized, leading to extended delays and even cancelation of planned dam projects. In Thailand, almost no land is available for resettlement of affected communities. Thus, affected families are mostly compensated with cash payments. One problem is that compensation according to the official rules often is insufficient to sustain the livelihoods of affected families. This is due, partly, to lack of title deeds for the cultivated land, and partly to land value only being compensated in accordance with the relatively low registered land prices. Apart from the difficulties with the compensation, more profound disagreements and grievances exist, related to mistrust of the government, different visions for development, and differences in valuing of local land, crops, property and ecosystems (see examples from Thailand: