Disjunctive Lexical Stratification

Jurgec, Peter

doi:10.1162/ling.2010.41.1.149

Cited by 25 publications

(28 citation statements)

References 13 publications

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“…Thus, if a choice is to be made between the open and close mid vowels, the open vowels are a better option on grounds of dispersion and this factor could motivate the changes from close to open in the stressed syllable discussed by Wetzels (2011). In this regard, the loanword adaptations in Slovene reported by Jurgec (2010) …”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Pretonic Vowel Reduction in Brazilian Portuguese: Harmony and Dispersion

2016

Journal of Portuguese Linguistics

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(2004), among others. We investigated various reflexes of prosodic prominence across four positions: tonic, pretonic, posttonic, and word-final. The height of the low vowel /a/ in these contexts was also determined. We found that while duration readily distinguished among the first three positions (tonic > pretonic > posttonic), it failed to differentiate posttonic from final. Intensity was a better discriminator across all four positions. We also documented a height harmony between pretonic mid vowels and the following tonic resulting in a seven-vowel pretonic inventory that parallels the tonic*. The implications of these findings for metrical prominence and dispersion accounts of vowel reduction are considered.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Pretonic Vowel Reduction in Brazilian Portuguese: Harmony and Dispersion

2016

Journal of Portuguese Linguistics

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“…More recent work shows that both faithfulness and markedness need to differ in ranking/weighting between subgrammars (Pater 2000(Pater , 2006Gouskova 2007Gouskova , 2012Flack 2007;Jurgec 2010, and others), as we propose here.…”

Section: The Role Of Faithfulnessmentioning

confidence: 59%

Source-Oriented Generalizations as Grammar Inference in Russian Vowel Deletion

Becker

Gouskova

2016

Linguistic Inquiry

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Speakers learn detailed generalizations about the morphophonology of their language, and extend them to nonce words. We propose a theory of this morphophonological knowledge that partitions the lexicon into uniform and productive sublexicons. Each sublexicon has its own phonotactic grammar, which the speaker uses as an inference mechanism to determine the relative productivity of each sublexicon. We report the results of an experiment on the generalization of mid vowel deletion ("yer" deletion) in Russian, showing that speakers encode source-oriented generalizations about the shapes of words that can undergo vowel deletion, as well as product-oriented generalizations about words that result from vowel deletion. An implementation of our model learns the patterns of deletion and captures both source-oriented and productoriented generalizations.*For their insightful questions, comments, and suggestions, we wish to thank

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“…It is common for loanwords to have less restrictive phonotactic patterns compared to native words; this occurs in a variety of languages, for many phonotactic patterns (e.g. Itô & Mester 1995;Inkelas et al 1997;Jurgec 2010). Such cases could be accounted for with co-phonologies (e.g.…”

Section: (14)mentioning

confidence: 99%

A target-oriented approach to neutrality in vowel harmony: Evidence from Hungarian

Ozburn

2019

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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This paper provides a novel perspective on neutrality in vowel harmony, using evidence from Hungarian. Despite the extensive study of Hungarian vowel harmony, the intermediate neutrality of [e:], which can alternate harmonically with [a:], is rarely addressed in existing analyses. While many standard accounts of harmony assume that front unrounded vowels like [e:] are neutral due to the lack of back counterpart, the [a:]~[e:] alternation makes this approach unsupportable. Specifically, since both [a:] and [e:] lack harmonic counterparts, but [a:] participates in harmony by re-pairing to [e:], the theory must explain why [e:] is not consistently harmonic. I argue that this pattern forces a new, target-focused approach, where participation is based on the vowel-specific drive to undergo harmony; neutrality results when this drive is insufficient to force unfaithfulness. This idea is motivated by cross-linguistic and phonetic facts suggesting that vowels that are low and/or rounded are inherently better targets of front/back harmony. I implement this approach formally in Harmonic Grammar; the harmony constraint is scaled by the quality of a vowel as a potential target, parallel to Kimper's (2011) trigger strength scaling. This account can capture not only the basic Hungarian facts, but also the gradience of neutrality (the height effect) and the variability in Hungarian harmony. Moreover, I argue that this view of harmony is necessary beyond Hungarian and beyond front/back harmony: neutrality is crucially about the quality of a vowel as a potential target of harmony, where target quality is determined in a cross-linguistic, phonetically motivated way.

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Disjunctive Lexical Stratification

Cited by 25 publications

References 13 publications

Pretonic Vowel Reduction in Brazilian Portuguese: Harmony and Dispersion

Pretonic Vowel Reduction in Brazilian Portuguese: Harmony and Dispersion

Source-Oriented Generalizations as Grammar Inference in Russian Vowel Deletion

A target-oriented approach to neutrality in vowel harmony: Evidence from Hungarian

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