Dispossession and displacement of migrant workers: the impact of state terror and economic development on Uyghurs in urban Xinjiang

Tynen, Sarah

doi:10.1080/02634937.2020.1743644

Cited by 20 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 34 publications

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“…The present-day dispossession of Uyghurs-through the introduction of Chinese ways of thinking and being, a novel sociality, as well as new private property relations-occurred during their movements between rural and urban areas. A triple dispossession has occurred since 2014 as Uyghurs left the countryside, found alienation and unemployment once they reached the city, and were later forced from the cities and into internment camps (see also Tynen 2019Tynen , 2020.…”

Section: Defining Displacement and Dispossessionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Xinjiang Year Zero

2022

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Xinjiang Year Zero provides an analysis of the processes of dispossession being experienced by Uyghurs and other indigenous peoples of China's Uyghur region that is sorely needed today. Most politicians and their followers today, whether on the left or the right, view what is happening to the peoples of this region through a twentieth-century lens steeped in dichotomies that are obsolete in describing the nature of states today-those of capitalism vs socialism and democracy vs totalitarianism. The contributors to this volume explore what is happening in Xinjiang in the context of the twenty-first century's racialised and populist-fuelled state power, global capitalist exploitation, and ubiquitous surveillance technology. At the same time, they invite the reader to reflect on how the processes of dispossession in the Uyghur region during the twenty-first century are repeating the colonial practices of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries that have shaped our current global system of inequality and oppression. The result offers an analysis of what is happening in Xinjiang that emphasises its interconnectedness to what is happening around us everywhere in the world. If you believe that the repression in this region is a fabrication to 'manufacture consent' for a cold war between the "West" and China, you need to read this book. Afterwards, you will understand that if you want to stop a return to the twentieth-century geopolitical conflicts embodied in the idea of a cold war, you must establish solidarity with the Indigenous peoples of China's northwest and call for the end to the global processes fuelling their dispossession both inside China and outside. '

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Section: Defining Displacement and Dispossessionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Xinjiang Year Zero

2022

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“…3, p. 348 Ayşe Çiçek tazashvili (2022) explain the ratio behind homogenization through assimilation with that this is cheaper than costs of resistance to the regime 44 . states that the detention of the masses should not be considered independently of the dispossession and displacement of the Uyghurs, while she refers how they experienced unemployment and economic crisis in 2017 45 . According to her "dispossession with the aid of a state security apparatus destroys the existing relationship between people and land" 46 .…”

Section: Political Re-education Camps and Uyghursmentioning

confidence: 99%

„Political Re-education Camps” in Xinjiang as a part of panopticon-like Society: Clashing Discourses of Western and Chinese Media

ÇİÇEK

2022

Wschodnioznawstwo

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Today, we see crimes against humanity in the 21st century in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region within the borders of China. Human rights violations experienced by Uyghurs living in the aforementioned geography for centuries are not a new development, but they remain up-to-date. The state’s approach to the Uyghur people has evolved into a new dimension with the camps, which are described as vocational training centers by the state and also known as political re-education camps and internment camps in the literature. These camps, which are part of the state’s security policies, have inevitably been the subject of many research, especially in the context of human rights violations. This article explores how political re-education camps, unlike others, are represented in some Western media sources and in the Chinese media, using the method of critical discourse analysis. The analysis revealed that the camps have been a part of a panopticon-like society and places where the lives of Uyghurs are surveilled from every angle, and both violation of rights and political indoctrination have been experienced. However, these places have been portrayed by the Chinese media as places where minorities have been rendered safe, enabling stability, security and development. „Polityczne obozy reedukacyjne” w Xinjiangu jako element społeczeństwa panoptykonowego. Ścierające się dyskursy zachodnich i chińskich mediów W XXI w. możemy zauważyć zbrodnie przeciwko ludzkości w Regionie Autonomicznym Sinkiang-Ujgur, znajdujący się w granicach Chin. Naruszenia praw człowieka doświadczane przez żyjących od stuleci w tym regionie Ujgurów nie stanowią żadnej nowości. Stosunek państwa do Ujgurów ewoluował w nowy wymiar wraz z powstaniem obozów, które władze określają jako ośrodki szkolenia zawodowego, a w literaturze znane są również jako obozy reedukacji politycznej czy też internowania. Będące częścią polityki bezpieczeństwa państwa obozy stały się nieuchronnie przedmiotem szeregu badań, zwłaszcza w kontekście łamania praw człowieka. W niniejszym artykule, korzystając z metody krytycznej analizy dyskursu, poszukiwana jest odpowiedź na pytanie, w jaki sposób obozy reedukacji politycznej, w przeciwieństwie do innych, są ukazywane w wybranych mediach zachodnich i chińskich. Analiza wykazała, że obozy stanowią część społeczeństwa skonstruowanego na wzór Panoptikonu, w którym życie Ujgurów jest monitorowane pod każdym kątem, gdzie doświadczano zarówno łamania praw, jak i indoktrynacji politycznej. Jednakże chińskie media przedstawiają je jako miejsca, dzięki którym życie mniejszości staje się bezpieczniejsze, stabilniejsze i nastawione na rozwój.

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“…For Clarke (2020: 353), ‘the intersection of BRI and the state-building imperatives in Xinjiang is framed by a fundamental paradox’ between ‘transnational “connectivity”’ and a seemingly ‘antithetical’ program of ‘repression and social control’ whereby ‘Security…trumps “connectivity”’. This is echoed in the narratives of affected Uyghurs living in Xinjiang, who ‘describe the actions of a highly interventionist state that prioritizes detention and disappearance over capitalist development’ (Tynen, 2020: 304).…”

Section: Belt-road-gulagmentioning

confidence: 99%

Geographies of infrastructure III: Infrastructure with Chinese characteristics

Furlong

2021

Progress in Human Geography

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For 25 years, China has staked its development on domestic and global infrastructure expansion. This third progress report on geographies of infrastructure explores what China’s far-reaching infrastructure venture means for critical infrastructure studies. Reviewing China’s infrastructure-driven urban growth, the Belt and Road Initiative and their links, three recommendations are advanced: (1) a reengagement with the state that takes its geographical and temporal diversity seriously, (2) an approach to infrastructure as part of a complex network of state projects with long-term ends, and (3) a concern with infrastructures of repression and confinement in wider processes of making things ‘flow’.

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Dispossession and displacement of migrant workers: the impact of state terror and economic development on Uyghurs in urban Xinjiang

Cited by 20 publications

References 34 publications

Xinjiang Year Zero

Xinjiang Year Zero

„Political Re-education Camps” in Xinjiang as a part of panopticon-like Society: Clashing Discourses of Western and Chinese Media

Geographies of infrastructure III: Infrastructure with Chinese characteristics

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