This article looks at constructions involving optional movement of contrastive foci and argues that this type of reordering cannot be accounted for by assuming that it is driven by a syntactic feature. I maintain that an interface-based approach that rests on the principles of economy fares better at capturing the data, as it accounts not only for optionality of contrastivefocus movement, which is found in a wide variety of languages, but also for multiple landing sites for contrastive-focus movement, which are found in scrambling languages, such as Russian. (1) [Who did John meet?] context a. John met Mary. b. #Mary John met. (2) [John met Sue.] context a. (No,) John met Mary (not Sue). b. (No,) Mary John met (not Sue). (3) [Who did Ivan meet?] context a. Ivan vstretil Marij-u. Ivan met Marija-ACC 'Ivan met Marija.' b. #Marij-u Ivan vstretil. Material from this article was presented at the Word Order in the Left Periphery workshop, held at the University of Oslo in October 2017. I would like to thank the audience for useful comments. I would also like to thank Klaus Abels, Fatima Hamlaoui, Luigi Rizzi, Kriszta Szendrői, Hans van de Koot, and the anonymous reviewers of Syntax for helpful comments on the material presented here. 1 All non-English examples in this article, unless otherwise noted, are from Russian. 2 Languages that have been noted to have optional movement of contrastive focus are Dutch, English,