2019
DOI: 10.1086/704783
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Do Felony Disenfranchisement Laws (De)Mobilize? A Case of Surrogate Participation

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Cited by 19 publications
(17 citation statements)
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“…For instance, institutional accounts have suggested that individuals and organizations often do mobilize but are burdened by the limited jurisdiction of their cities (Miller 2008) and the resource scarcity of grassroots organizations, particularly those which are minority run (Jones 2018;Owens and Walker 2018). Behavioral accounts, including Hannah Walker's (forthcoming) work on proximal contact, suggest that individuals with incarcerated family members, when motivated by a sense of injustice, will engage in political mobilization (see also Anoll & Israel-Trummel 2019). Owens and Walker find that when we look beyond voting and to civic engagement, individual criminal justice contact sometimes leads to more, not less, particularly when there is an anchoring community based organization.…”
Section: Supplementary Materialsmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…For instance, institutional accounts have suggested that individuals and organizations often do mobilize but are burdened by the limited jurisdiction of their cities (Miller 2008) and the resource scarcity of grassroots organizations, particularly those which are minority run (Jones 2018;Owens and Walker 2018). Behavioral accounts, including Hannah Walker's (forthcoming) work on proximal contact, suggest that individuals with incarcerated family members, when motivated by a sense of injustice, will engage in political mobilization (see also Anoll & Israel-Trummel 2019). Owens and Walker find that when we look beyond voting and to civic engagement, individual criminal justice contact sometimes leads to more, not less, particularly when there is an anchoring community based organization.…”
Section: Supplementary Materialsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…For example, the finding that arrest and incarceration decreases voting among individuals, family members connected to the justice-involved, and communities where they reside has appeared across a range of studies, including those that measure changes in voting behavior after an arrest or conviction across multiple waves, in non-parametric analyses that match those who had been incarcerated with those who would be in the future, and in studies that use random assignment to less and more punitive judges to estimate causal effects of brief jail confinement (Burch 2013; Gerber et al 2017; Lerman and Weaver 2014a; Manza and Uggen 2008; Weaver and Lerman 2010; White 2019a; 2019b; c.f. Anoll and Israel-Trummel 2019; Walker 2014).…”
Section: A Strategy Of Community Control In the Face Of Police Oppresmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…These patterns are consistent with the behavioral consequences of proximal contact with the criminal justice system. Here, researchers find that even as proximal contact diminishes voting (Burch 2013; Walker 2014), it can nevertheless heighten participation in activities outside the ballot box (Anoll and Israel-Trummel 2019; Walker 2014). Unlike voting, activities like protesting offer an immediate outlet for frustration and fear springing from personal and proximal experiences with immigration enforcement (Gillion 2013).…”
Section: Literature Reviewmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…We therefore borrow from findings around “the closely analogous phenomena of knowing someone who has been incarcerated or had some kind of contact with the police” to shed light on the political consequences of proximal experiences with immigration (Sanchez et al 2015, 459). This work finds that proximal criminal justice experiences are positively associated with participation when individuals view criminal justice policy as racially biased and unequally applied (Drakulich et al 2017; Anoll and Israel-Trummel 2019; Walker 2014). It is important to note that researchers observe the mobilizing effects of proximal contact with respect to non-voting activities, and that it has no relationship with voting.…”
Section: Literature Reviewmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Yet, while much research confirms the capacity for the carceral state to erode political voice through declining trust (Maltby 2017) and diminished voting (Laniyonu 2019; Morris 2020; White 2019), revisiting the methods employed in extant studies, some researchers find a negligible relationship between incarceration and voting (Gerber et al 2017). Still, others find that exposure can be mobilizing, especially when contact is vicarious and in reference to protesting (Anoll and Israel-Trummel 2019; Laniyonu 2018; Walker 2014; 2020; Walker et al this volume; White 2016; Williamson et al 2018). Walker (2020) leverages the political threat framework to make sense of these seemingly divergent findings.…”
Section: How Marginalized People View the Criminal Legal Systemmentioning
confidence: 99%