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Gregg, Melissa

doi:10.1080/14680777.2011.537031

Cited by 9 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…In encouraging a boost to that country’s birth rate, then Treasurer Peter Costello proclaimed, ‘One [child] for the husband, one [child] for the wife, and one [child] for the country’ (Carmichael and Whittaker, 2007: 140) and the 2007 election was contested using the rhetoric of working families (Younane, 2008). The current Australian Prime Minister is often criticized for being unmarried and childless by choice (Gregg, 2011). Religious influences from the predominant Judeo-Christian beliefs that underpin western culture saw womanhood as heterosexual, fertile, life-giving, and fecund (Gillespie, 2000).…”

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confidence: 99%

A phenomenological exploration of the childfree choice in a sample of Australian women

2012

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Childfree women 2 AbstractThe choice not to have children is considered to be a deviation from cultural norms, particularly those concerning the dominant pronatalist discourse and the socially-sanctioned developmental path of maiden to mother. However, little research has documented the experience of women who had consciously chosen to remain childless. Ten voluntarily childfree women participated in a qualitative study in which unstructured interviews ensured each woman's unique story emerged through its telling. The data analysis revealed three broad themes -first, the experiences and processes of making the choice; second, the ongoing effects of their choice, ranging from support and acceptance to pressure and discrimination; and finally, there was no regret as the women described engaging in meaningful, generative activities that contributed to society.Childfree women 3 Voluntarily Childfree Women: A Phenomenological Exploration of the Childfree Choice Women who 'reject' the notion of motherhood and choose to remain childfree are a relatively new and growing cohort in industrialised countries (Abma & Martinez, 2006;Park, 2005;Rowland, 2007;Shaw, 2011). A survey of 7,448 Australian women aged from 22 to 27 years revealed that 9.1% desire to remain childfree The conscious choice to remain childless automatically places women outside the constraints of cultural and societal expectations underpinned by an ideology of pronatalism (Park, 2005). Pronatalism encourages an increase in birth rate and reinforces the sociopolitical, familial and religious obligations of producing children for the good of the country and future generations (Rowlands & Lee, 2006); together, these provide a powerful mandate for the value of parenthood as a cultural norm (Koropeckyj-Cox, Romano & Moras, 2007).Furthermore, there is an expectation that married individuals have a civic and moral responsibility to have children, and that the couple should automatically want to do so (Veevers, 1975). The pronatalism mandate is reinforced by sociocultural influences that render parenting as a highly desirable life choice. Thus, pronatalism means that women who choose to opt out of childbearing are viewed as challenging the 'natural' role of women and rejecting the fundamental essence of the feminine identity in a pronatalist society (Gillespie, 2000;Mollen, 2006).Women choosing childlessness also challenge the sanctioned 'normal' developmental path of womanhood from maiden to mother (Hird & Abshoff, 2000;Letherby, 2002;Park, 2005). For instance, an analysis of marriage and family textbooks produced from 1950 to Childfree women 4 2000 illustrated that the depictions of childless adult were mostly negative, and voluntarily childfree adults were characterised more disapprovingly than the involuntarily childfree (Chancey & Dumais, 2009). Similarly, surveys of parents, students, and the general public demonstrate that women without children are considered to be selfish, deviant, undesirable, empty, and ultimately unfeminine (Gillespie, 2000;Kelly, 20...

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confidence: 99%

A phenomenological exploration of the childfree choice in a sample of Australian women

2012

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“…Particularly, the digital labour lens directs critical attention to the contradictory logic of immaterial labour. This shows how the traits of sharing, collective intelligence, flexibility and adaptability, which carry radical political potential in the Autonomist Marxist reading of immaterial labour, have been enrolled into contemporary global digital capitalism in ways that conceal practices of exploitation and inequality (Gill, 2002;Gregg, 2011Gregg, , 2015Jarrett, 2016;McRobbie, 2016;Duffy, 2017;Graham, Hjorth and Lehdonvirta, 2017;Shaw and Graham, 2017).…”

Section: Gender Technology and Architecture As Labourmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In urban studies, the notion of digital labour has been connected to the everyday production and consumption of digital data and its relationship to spatial politics (Shaw and Graham, 2017). And, in media studies, scholars have adopted the lens of digital labour to draw focus to the precarious and unwaged forms of labour that propel digital media economies (Terranova, 2000; Gill, 2002; Gregg, 2011, 2015; Jarrett, 2016; McRobbie, 2016; Duffy, 2017). In Kylie Jarrett’s (2016) work, the Marxist feminist theorisation of domestic labour is reengaged in the analysis of the unpaid yet economically valuable contributions of Internet labourers.…”

Section: Gender Technology and Architecture As Labourmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This directive recognises that technology is a ‘significant site of gender negotiations in relation to occupations, symbols, and identities’, and equally that gender can profoundly ‘influence the design and use of technologies’ (Lohan and Faulkner, 2004, p. 319). The research project discussed here takes up key issues that have long engaged feminist scholars, namely women’s experiences with technology in the workplace and during periods of technological change, as well as recent feminist perspectives that critically examine new conditions of work in the global digital information economy and under neo-liberal capitalism (Terranova, 2000; Gill, 2002; Gregg, 2011, 2015; Duffy, 2016, 2017; Jarrett, 2016; McRobbie, 2016). More specifically, based on the findings of an online survey distributed to five large-scale architecture practices in Sydney, Australia, this article explores technology-related changes to ways of working in the profession of architecture by examining conditions of technology access, use, roles and skills development.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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New Divisions of Digital Labour in Architecture

Gardner¹

2019

Feminist Review

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As architecture intersects with computer science to engage with large-scale data sets and informational systems, this demands new skills, competencies and commitments. Informed by the findings of an online survey, this article explores how, who and to what extent those in the profession of architecture are investing in technology knowledge and skills, and under what material conditions this occurs. Survey data collected from five large-scale architecture practices in Sydney, Australia finds that while technology-related skills are highly valued in the profession, more men than women are engaging with computationally intensive software and technology skills building remains a largely unstructured and often self-directed enterprise. Drawing on feminist technology studies and digital labour perspectives, it is argued that the drive to computationalise the profession of architecture rests heavily on discretionary, aspirational and invisible labour practices that disadvantage employees with lesser reserves of economic and social capital, and particularly women. This further contributes to revealing neo-liberalism’s influence on the concrete practices of the architecture workplace and highlights how the diminished structural role of employers breeds uneven opportunities and inequitable working conditions.

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“…Such issues have also been associated with those in their mid-20s to early 30s (see Pocock et el. 2012), with authors in many cases focusing on the intersecting demands of employment and caring responsibilities (see Gregg 2011).…”

Section: Mobility Temporality and Young Adulthoodmentioning

confidence: 99%

Everyday social media use of young Australian adults

Jun

Cook

2020

Journal of Youth Studies

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Current research on young people's social media use tends to revolve around notable and spectacular forms of usage, and usage by specific identity-based groups on specific sites. The everyday social media use of 'ordinary' young people and its theoretical significance for youth sociology is less often considered. This paper presents findings derived from longitudinal data collected from 446 young Australians about their social media use. Using Couldry's (2012) media-related practices as a dual methodological and conceptual lens, we examine how their social media practices are embedded in the broader social practices of Australian young people. In so doing, we seek to understand how media are used by young people as a tool or resource to navigate their everyday lives in changing social contexts, and suggest that this process is directly contributing to their active creation of a new experience of adulthood. We ultimately contend that the media-related practices that we identify demonstrate how young people experience and negotiate the power of social media in shaping their everyday practices, which affords an opportunity to account for media's role in constituting the shifting social ontology experienced by young people.

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Do Your Homework

Cited by 9 publications

References 9 publications

A phenomenological exploration of the childfree choice in a sample of Australian women

A phenomenological exploration of the childfree choice in a sample of Australian women

New Divisions of Digital Labour in Architecture

Everyday social media use of young Australian adults

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