2014
DOI: 10.1080/13629395.2014.932537
|View full text |Cite
|
Sign up to set email alerts
|

Does Coup-Proofing Work? Political–Military Relations in Authoritarian Regimes amid the Arab Uprisings

Help me understand this report

Search citation statements

Order By: Relevance

Paper Sections

Select...
1
1
1
1

Citation Types

0
16
0
1

Year Published

2015
2015
2024
2024

Publication Types

Select...
7
2

Relationship

0
9

Authors

Journals

citations
Cited by 31 publications
(17 citation statements)
references
References 45 publications
0
16
0
1
Order By: Relevance
“…75 Sunnis, who had formed most of the rank and file of the regime's forces, were the large majority of defectors. 76 Outside of the formal military, Alawites have provided an important manpower reserve in militias, 77 though Sunnis have joined as well. 78 It is clear that this compliance rests to a great degree on fear of the opposition.…”
Section: Ethnically Exclusive Regimes and Civil Warsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…75 Sunnis, who had formed most of the rank and file of the regime's forces, were the large majority of defectors. 76 Outside of the formal military, Alawites have provided an important manpower reserve in militias, 77 though Sunnis have joined as well. 78 It is clear that this compliance rests to a great degree on fear of the opposition.…”
Section: Ethnically Exclusive Regimes and Civil Warsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…83 To reinforce loyalty and as coup-proofing strategies, regimes adopt a number of measures. 84 In a preventative way, they offer economic and political incentives; they guarantee their direct control over the army through members of their family, clan, etc., or they establish a system of surveillance and 'counterbalancing strategies' among different structures of the repressive apparatus. 85 Nevertheless, during open-ended conjunctures, all is not decided in advance.…”
Section: Defection and Loyalty: Is There No Room For Surprise?mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…As part of this project, the group was behind the organization of Egypt’s first multi-candidate presidential elections in 2005, a fact that further nurtured speculation that all this was part of a strategy to engineer Gamal’s succession. 3 Thus, in sharp contrast to Syria, ‘Gamal Mubarak virtually ignored the military apparatus and took over the politicized institutions of the state’ (Albrecht, 2015: 45).…”
Section: Military Insubordination In the Arab Spring: Evidence From Smentioning
confidence: 99%