Does policy threat mobilise? 287(g) and Latino voter registration in North Carolina and Florida

Kuhn, Eroll

doi:10.1080/1369183x.2020.1726174

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies

2020

DOI: 10.1080/1369183x.2020.1726174

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Does policy threat mobilise? 287(g) and Latino voter registration in North Carolina and Florida

Eroll Kuhn

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Cited by 2 publications

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“…Research findings from state‐level voting data suggest an association between a negative change in social welfare policies and higher probability of voting among immigrants relative to native‐born (Filindra and Manatschal 2019). Similarly, recent work shows increases in Hispanic voter registration in counties of North Carolina and Florida that entered into 287(g) agreements with Immigration and Customs Enforcement, thus deputizing their local law enforcement agents to conduct immigration enforcement tasks (Kuhn, 2020).…”

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Commentary: Immigrant Vote in the 2020 US Presidential Election

Garip

2020

International Migration

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On 16 June 2015, when Donald Trump descended the escalator in the Trump Tower to announce his presidential bid, few people were convinced that he would become the candidate for the Republican Party, let alone win the elections. It is on that day that Trump signalled immigration to be the signature issue for his campaign. "When Mexico sends its people, they are not sending their best," he said, "They're sending people that have lots of problems, they're bringing those problems with us. They're bringing drugs. They're bringing crime. They're rapists. And some, I assume, are good people" (Phillips, 2017).Trump's assault on immigration surprised many. Not only because migration from Mexico was at an all-time low. Studies reported that about a million Mexicans had left the United States between 2009 and 2014, bringing the net migration from Mexico to below zero (Gonzalez-Barrera, 2015). Putting immigration at the centre of a campaign was also surprising given the long-standing concerns in the Republican Party about alienating the Hispanic voters (Calmes, 2014). After all, Barack Obama had won the 2012 election due in no small part due to his ability to carry the Hispanic vote in the battleground states, ranging from 60 per cent in Florida to 75 per cent in Nevada (Lopez and Taylor, 2012).But, in the 2016 election, Trump's strategy to focus on immigration, to taunt immigrants with insults, and to galvanize his base with chants of "Build the Wall," worked (Reilly 2016). His Democratic rival, Hillary Clinton lost the election despite winning the popular vote by a margin of 3 million, and despite getting 66 per cent of the Hispanic vote (Krogstad and Lopez 2016).Trump's actions as president confirmed that he had every intention to make good on campaign promises. His executive orders suspended the U.S. refugee programme, banned the entry of immigrants from certain majority-Muslim countries. 1. Under his leadership, the Department of Homeland Security adopted a family-separation policy, where children were taken away to make it easier to prosecute their undocumented parents apprehended at the border. 2. The administration also built 93 miles of barriers on the Mexican border (Hesson, 2019), despite lacking evidence on the efficacy of physical obstacles for blocking immigration (Garip, 2017).Given that Hispanics are projected to be the largest nonwhite group among eligible voters, making over 13 per cent of the electorate in the 2020 election (Ciluffo and Fry, 2019), one question looms large: Will Trump's immigration policies hurt his chances for re-election?Restrictive immigration policies have mobilized Hispanic voters in the past. In California, for example, Republican-backed initiatives targeting immigrants in the 1990s are credited for galvanizing the minority voter support for Democrats. Most notably, Proposition 187a law to prohibit undocumented migrants from using publicly provided social services passed in 1994 by the Republican Governor Pete Wilsonbecame a rallying point for mobilization among immigrants, until

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Commentary: Immigrant Vote in the 2020 US Presidential Election

Garip

2020

International Migration

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Discrimination and Political Engagement: A Cross-national Test

Besco

2024

J. Race Ethnicity Politics

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What is the effect of personal discrimination on the political engagement of ethnic and racial minorities? Existing research theorizes increased engagement, but evidence is mixed. The discrimination and political engagement link is tested across six countries: Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Interest in politics and political actions (e.g. protest and donations) show constant relationships: people who have experienced discrimination have more interest in politics and take more political actions. There is no clear evidence of different effects of political vs social discrimination. However, the link between turnout and discrimination varies systematically across countries: a positive correlation in three separate American datasets, but mixed and null in other countries. This may be the result of the distinctive American conflict over voting rights for racial minorities. The conclusion discusses priorities for future research, including a focus on establishing causal relationships and testing mechanisms.

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Does policy threat mobilise? 287(g) and Latino voter registration in North Carolina and Florida

Cited by 2 publications

References 48 publications

Commentary: Immigrant Vote in the 2020 US Presidential Election

Commentary: Immigrant Vote in the 2020 US Presidential Election

Discrimination and Political Engagement: A Cross-national Test

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