Driving While Black: Effects of Race, Ethnicity, and Gender on Citizen Self‐reports of Traffic Stops and Police Actions*

Lundman, Richard J.; Kaufman, Robert L.

doi:10.1111/j.1745-9125.2003.tb00986.x

Cited by 268 publications

(245 citation statements)

References 28 publications

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“…Although scholars and policy analysts have argued that racial profiling is a concern in the 287(g) program, there has been less focus on another obvious factpolice officers are more likely to stop men than women (Lundman and Kaufman, 2003). This means that there are important gendered implications of the program -men get arrested, and women and children get left behind.…”

Section: How Interior Enforcement Work: Targeting Criminal Aliensmentioning

confidence: 99%

Latino immigrant men and the deportation crisis: A gendered racial removal program

2013

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This article reviews how US deportations ballooned between 1997 and 2012, and underscores how these deportations disproportionately targeted Latino working class men. Building on Mae Ngai's (2004) concept of racial removal, we describe this recent mass deportation as a gendered racial removal program. Drawing from secondary sources, surveys conducted in Mexico, the U.S. Department of Homeland Security published statistics, and interviews with deportees conducted by the first author in Guatemala, the Dominican Republic, Brazil and Jamaica, we argue that: (1) deportations have taken on a new course in the aftermath of 9/11 and in the wake of the global economic crisis -involving a shift towards interior enforcement; (2) deportation has become a gendered and racial removal project of the state; and (3) deportations will have lasting consequences with gendered and raced effects here in the United States. We begin by examining the mechanisms of the new deportation regime, showing how it functions, and then examine the legislation and administrative decisions that make it possible. Next, we show the concentration of deportations by nation and gender. Finally, we discuss the causes of this gendered racial removal program, which include the male joblessness crisis since the Great Recession, the War on Terror, and the continued criminalization of Black and Latino men by police authorities. This figure amounts to more than twice the sum total of every deportation before 1997 (1.9 million people). Nearly all of these recent deportees have been Latino men, creating a crisis in Latino families and communities. We suggest this constitutes a gendered racial removal program, and argue that changes in immigration law, the War on Terror, the law enforcement racial profiling and criminalization of Latino men, and the male joblessness crisis in the United States have produced this deportation crisis. We conclude by offering some questions, analyses and implications for both research and action. Many scholars working from diverse disciplines have analyzed the soaring number of deportations (Coutin, 2000;Hing, 2003;Ngai, 2004;Hernandez, 2008;Brotherton and Barrios, 2011; Golash-Boza, 2012;Kanstroom, 2012;King et al, 2012;Kretsedemas, 2012), and the increase in police/Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) cooperation (Zilberg, 2004;Stumpf, 2006;Donato and Armenta, 2011;Armenta, 2012;Coleman, 2012), yet these studies have not explicitly considered the intersectionality of gender, class and race in these removals. In this article, we review how US deportations ballooned between 1997 and 2012, and we underscore how these deportations disproportionately targeted Latino working class men. Building on Mae Ngai's (2004) concept of racial removal, we refer to this recent mass deportation as a gendered racial removal program. We explain the legal and administrative mechanisms supporting this process, and we indicate how structural factors in the economy and the politics of race, criminalization and immigration have prompted these ...

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Section: How Interior Enforcement Work: Targeting Criminal Aliensmentioning

confidence: 99%

Latino immigrant men and the deportation crisis: A gendered racial removal program

2013

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“…This work is additionally limited by the possible exclusion of potentially relevant populations (e.g., low-income, immigrants, those legally prohibited from driving) that could be less likely to use the internet or complete a bicycling behavior survey (Lugo, 2013;Zavestoski and Agyeman, 2015). Minority populations may also report dramatically different responses given the history of disproportionate enforcement of minor traffic violations by police in some communities (Lundman and Kaufman, 2003;Warren et al, 2006;Harris, 1999;Roh and Robinson, 2009). Unfortunately, addressing these disparities with regard to bicycle behavior is beyond the scope of this paper.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Scofflaw bicycling: Illegal but rational

Marshall

Piatkowski

Johnson

2017

JTLU

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Abstract:Nearly everyone has jaywalked, rolled through a stop sign, or driven a few miles per hour over the speed limit, but most such offenses face no legal consequences. Society also tends to see these relatively minor infractions that almost all people make-though they are unmistakably illegal-as normal and even rational. Bicyclists who break the law, however, seem to attract a higher level of scorn and scrutiny. While the academic literature has exhaustively covered unlawful driving behaviors, there remains little research on bicyclists who break the rules of the road. This paper examines rule-breaking bicyclists and the factors associated with such behaviors. We also explore the question: are bicyclists making rational, albeit illegal, choices-similar to most drivers and pedestrians-or are bicyclists reckless and dangerous? Because it's proven effective for reaching hard-to-reach populations, we employed a snowball-sampling framework and an online, scenario-based survey completed by nearly 18,000 respondents. Via multi-level statistical analyses, our results suggest that younger people and males tend to exhibit higher levels of illegal bicycling behavior, but even when combining high-risk factors, the overwhelming majority of bicyclists are not reckless. Controlling for the context and social norms of the city where one lives tends to outweigh individual bicyclist characteristics such as race/ethnicity and income. Unlawful drivers and pedestrians tend to rationalize their behaviors as time saving; bicyclists similarly rationalize their illegal behaviors but were more inclined to cite increasing their own personal safety and/or saving energy. Most bicyclists can generally be described as rational individuals trying to function safely and efficiently given the context and norms of where they live and the transportation system put in front of them.

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“…Ces études se réfèrent peu -voire aucunement -aux processus cognitifs employés par les policiers pour justifier leurs actions (Mastrofski, Worden et Snipes, 1995 ;Schafer et Mastrofski, 2005). Les études en viennent à indiquer la présence de profilage racial (Lundman et Kaufman, 2003 ;Warren, Tomaskovic-Devey, Smith, Zingraff et Mason, 2006) ou de pratiques variables selon la taille et la composition des organisations (Farrell, 2015) sans émettre d'hypothèses sur les raisons qui peuvent les expliquer. Cette limite est d'autant plus importante que le concept du pouvoir 2.…”

Section: Synthèse Et Limites Des éTudesunclassified

Pouvoir discrétionnaire, infractions routières et interventions policières

Blais

Couture²,

Boivin

et al. 2017

crimino

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Cet article adopte une conception perceptuelle du pouvoir discrétionnaire afin de comprendre le processus décisionnel des patrouilleurs dans le cadre de leurs activités de sécurité routière. Plus précisément, l’article relève les éléments pris en considération par les policiers lorsqu’ils décident d’intercepter les automobilistes qui commettent une infraction et, par la suite, de donner un constat d’infraction. Pour y arriver, 19 entretiens semi-directifs ont été réalisés auprès de patrouilleurs (n = 15) et directeurs de poste (n = 4). Les résultats montrent que les infractions graves mènent presque automatiquement à l’interception et l’émission d’un constat d’infraction. Lorsque les infractions entrent dans la zone de tolérance des policiers, que les policiers sont de mauvaise humeur et qu’ils vivent des contraintes de temps, le risque d’interception est révisé à la baisse. Une fois interceptés, les jeunes conducteurs et ceux ayant une mauvaise attitude sont plus souvent sanctionnés. Les policiers qui croient à l’efficacité du constat sont plus susceptibles d’en décerner. Enfin, les résultats indiquent que chaque décision est le résultat d’interactions entre différentes contraintes normatives liées au policier, à l’automobiliste et à son infraction, à l’environnement routier et à l’organisation policière.The discretionary power of police officers is examined as a way to understand their decision-making process when enforcing traffic safety rules and the factors involved in decisions to stop and discipline drivers who violate traffic safety rules are identified. Nineteen semi-structured interviews were conducted with patrol officers (n=15) and division chiefs (n=4). Results indicate that serious infringements almost automatically lead to a stop and a citation. Infringements that fall within the tolerance zone of police officers, police officers being in a bad mood, and time constraints are all associated with a lower risk of interception. Once stopped, young drivers and those with a bad attitude are more likely to be ticketed. Drivers are also more likely to receive a citation when police officers believe that the citation will have some effect. Finally, results suggest that each decision is the result of interactions between a combination of factors : various normative constraints held by the police officer, the nature of the driver and the infringement, the road environment, and the police organization.Este artículo adopta una concepción perceptual del poder discrecional, con el fin de entender el proceso decisional de los patrulleros, en el marco de sus actividades de seguridad vial. Más específicamente, el artículo pone en relieve los elementos tomados en cuenta por los policías cuando deciden interceptar a los automovilistas que cometen una infracción, y, luego, emitir una declaración de infracción. Para ello, se realizaron 19 entrevistas semi-directivas a patrulleros (n=15) y a jefes de policía (n=4). Los resultados muestran que las infracciones graves llevan, casi automáticamente, a la intercepción y a la ...

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Driving While Black: Effects of Race, Ethnicity, and Gender on Citizen Self‐reports of Traffic Stops and Police Actions*

Cited by 268 publications

References 28 publications

Latino immigrant men and the deportation crisis: A gendered racial removal program

Latino immigrant men and the deportation crisis: A gendered racial removal program

Scofflaw bicycling: Illegal but rational

Pouvoir discrétionnaire, infractions routières et interventions policières

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