Early intervocalic voicing in tuscan

Wanner, Dieter; Cravens, Thomas D.

doi:10.1075/cilt.14.34wan

Cited by 8 publications

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“…They hold that intervocalic voicing was present in OTuscan; they thus side with the native-voicing solution, but they radically depart from its traditional version by assuming some form of phonological variability, which would have caused a dual outcome. This solution has been developed in several works published in the last three decades or so, including Giannelli & Savoia (1979-80), Wanner & Cravens (1980), Franceschini (1983), Giannelli (1983), Maiden (1995), Giannelli & Cravens (1997), and Cravens (1991Cravens ( , 2002Cravens ( , 2006. 15 In general, they stress the presence of intervocalic voicing in contemporary Tuscan (see Section 2.2.11), and call attention to its similarity with several features of OTuscan voicing: more frequent voiced outcomes of -c-than -t-and -p-, asymmetric voicing (as in fegato), variability in the application of the rule, word-initial voicing across word boundaries.…”

Section: Variable Rulementioning

confidence: 98%

The voicing of intervocalic stops in Old Tuscan and probabilistic sound change

Canalis

2014

Folia Linguistica

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The article examines the dual outcome of Latin intervocalic /p t k/ in Old Tuscan. While these stops remain voiceless in most of the Tuscan lexicon, a significant number of words are voiced. The prevailing opinion is that preservation of voicelessness is the native outcome, and that the words displaying voicing were borrowed from Romance languages in which intervocalic voicing was systematic. However, a number of facts militate against this hypothesis, including the presence of voicing in Tuscan words that are unattested or maintain a voiceless stop in the supposed donor languages. The results of a corpus-based analysis of an Old Tuscan lexicon show that the distribution of the voiced outcomes is phonologically conditioned (contra the borrowing hypothesis), as they are more likely if the stop was velar, next to low(er) vowels, next to stress and if followed by a liquid consonant. These results are also an example of sound change with clear and fine-grained phonological conditioning but a non-systematic outcome; irregularity was probably caused by the allophonic nature of Old Tuscan voicing and by its interaction with another lenition process.

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Section: Variable Rulementioning

confidence: 98%

The voicing of intervocalic stops in Old Tuscan and probabilistic sound change

Canalis

2014

Folia Linguistica

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“…Both voicing and preservation of voicelessness would thus be native under this interpretation, explaining why the sound change was not systematic. Solutions along these lines have been developed by several authors including Savoia (1979-1980), Wanner and Cravens (1980), Franceschini (1983), Giannelli (1983), Maiden (1995), Giannelli and Cravens (1997) and Cravens (1991Cravens ( , 2002Cravens ( , 2006. Empirical evidence for this hypothesis comes from the presence of intervocalic voicing in contemporary Tuscan (see the preceding section) and from its similarity with several features of Old Tuscan voicing: more frequent voiced outcomes of velar than Table 4.…”

Section: Variationist Hypothesismentioning

confidence: 99%

Variable Phonological Rules and ‘Quantal' Perception as a Source of Probabilistic Sound Change: The Case of Intervocalic Voicing in Old Tuscan

Canalis

2015

Phonetica

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The origin and nature of ‘irregular', ‘sporadic' sound changes have been debated by different theories of phonological change since at least the Neogrammarians. They are often attributed to non-phonological factors, as analogy or borrowing, or to the non-(purely)-phonological mechanism of lexical diffusion. The aim of this paper is to show that an irregular sound change in the historical phonology of Tuscan - namely the voicing of some intervocalic voiceless stops - is not due to borrowing (as often argued), but to a variable and allophonic voicing rule, whose output was only partially subject to phonological recategorization. The most likely causes for this irregular outcome are the variable strength intervocalic voicing had in different environments, the interaction with another lenition process and the perceptual ambiguity of the lenited stops.

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“…In Wanner and Cravens' (1980) model, the variable voicing rule ultimately failed to survive, leaving in its wake a sporadic selection of affected lexical items. However, the analysis of Giannelli and Savoia (1979-80) takes one step fürther.…”

Section: Sporadic Voicing Of Intervocalic Plosives 29mentioning

confidence: 97%

“…In response to this indigenous multiplicity, Wanner and Cravens (1980) explore Medieval documents that reveal spelling inconsistencies, often of the same words written by one scribe, which are indicative of allophonic voicing of /p, t, k/ in this period. They propose a variable voicing rule symbolizing Variation in frequency and intensity.…”

Section: Sporadic Voicing Of Intervocalic Plosives 29mentioning

confidence: 99%

A Usage-Based Analysis of Multiple Outcomes: The Cognitive, Phonetic, and Social Aspects of Sound Chance

Aski¹

2004

Folia Linguistica Historica

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IntroductionThroughout the last Century the neogrammarian Regularity Principle (OsthoffBrugmann 1878(OsthoffBrugmann -1910, a product of early Twentieth-century, comparative reconstruction, and the lexical diffusion model (Wang 1969(Wang , 1979, which developed in reaction to neogrammarians' inability to deal effectively with irregularity, have had a strong impact on how sound change has been perceived and investigated in non-formalist accounts. However, (comparatively) recent research in sociolinguistics 1 and laboratory phonetics, which have uncovered the variability of language and the dynamics of human interaction, have drastically modified diachronic investigations. As a result, the neogrammarian and lexical diffusionist interpretations of sound change can be considered post-hoc labels of historical events that focus primarily on the initial stage and the final product of language change. This paper explores the cognitive, äs well äs the phonetic and sociological aspects of language use in order to approach a coherent Interpretation of the regularities, äs well äs the irregularities, of sound change through time. That is, ' [t]he key concept here is that of the course of evolution, which must be described not by correspondence rules which bridge the chasm of history between two (or among more) states, but by an account which traces the linguistic terrain covered by the bridge' (Cravens 1988: 80, his emphasis). The present study charts the linguistic terrain of sound change by focusing on the role of the individual and his/her interactions in the language Community within a cognitive, usage-based framework based on Langacker (1987,1988,2000) and Bybee (2000 a, b, 2001). In this model emergent language structures are the result of language users' ability to categorize and organize the variability of language (due to linguistic and sociolinguistic contexts and speech acoustics) during actual usage, and the propagation and entrenchment of these categorization routines in the speech Community.Once language use, Variation, and perception at the level of the individual äs well äs the Community become the focus of diachronic investigation, analyses of completed, regulär sound changes, which were once the prime interest of neogrammarians, cannot Departures from formalistic frameworks and research in sociolinguistics have been responsible for incorporating the Speaker into diachronic investigations. Evidence of this trend is found in and Joseph and Wallace (1992). More recently, Croft (2000) and Milroy (2003) insist that a sound theory of language change must recognize the role of individuals äs the force behind language change, rather than referring to language äs an abstract System that changes.Brought to you by | Purdue University Libraries Authenticated Download Date | 5/29/15 7:26 AM

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Early intervocalic voicing in tuscan

Cited by 8 publications

References 0 publications

The voicing of intervocalic stops in Old Tuscan and probabilistic sound change

The voicing of intervocalic stops in Old Tuscan and probabilistic sound change

Variable Phonological Rules and ‘Quantal' Perception as a Source of Probabilistic Sound Change: The Case of Intervocalic Voicing in Old Tuscan

A Usage-Based Analysis of Multiple Outcomes: The Cognitive, Phonetic, and Social Aspects of Sound Chance

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