1996
DOI: 10.1017/s0003598x00082892
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East Chisenbury: ritual and rubbish at the British Bronze Age—Iron Age transition

Abstract: The repertoire of site-types for later English prehistory has not changed for a generation. Now, from East Chisenbury on Salisbury Plain, a new type is defined, a midden of refuse so large and strange it re-defines the concept of ‘rubbish’ and its ‘disposal’.

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Cited by 42 publications
(21 citation statements)
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“…One potential explanation for the patterning of the charred human bone at Toll House, for example, is that most (if not all) of this material was combined with the settlement matrix of soil and other discarded materials some time before it was ultimately deposited in the ground. Furthermore, if we accept the arguments raised elsewhere, that human remains (both burnt and unburnt) were sometimes interred in contexts other than cut features (McOmish 1996) or simply left on the ground surface (Cunliffe 1992), and that considerable periods of time may have elapsed before some of this material was deposited in the ground (Barrett 1991), we must also acknowledge the possibility that the exact location of human fragments within later prehistoric settlement features is not always going to be archaeologically meaningful. In fact, the lack of clear spatial patterning of burnt human remains in isolation on sites such as Toll House probably indicates that in certain circumstances, this material was accidentally incorporated into deposits that may have arisen from a wide variety of different forms of social practice.…”
Section: Burnt Human Bonementioning
confidence: 73%
“…One potential explanation for the patterning of the charred human bone at Toll House, for example, is that most (if not all) of this material was combined with the settlement matrix of soil and other discarded materials some time before it was ultimately deposited in the ground. Furthermore, if we accept the arguments raised elsewhere, that human remains (both burnt and unburnt) were sometimes interred in contexts other than cut features (McOmish 1996) or simply left on the ground surface (Cunliffe 1992), and that considerable periods of time may have elapsed before some of this material was deposited in the ground (Barrett 1991), we must also acknowledge the possibility that the exact location of human fragments within later prehistoric settlement features is not always going to be archaeologically meaningful. In fact, the lack of clear spatial patterning of burnt human remains in isolation on sites such as Toll House probably indicates that in certain circumstances, this material was accidentally incorporated into deposits that may have arisen from a wide variety of different forms of social practice.…”
Section: Burnt Human Bonementioning
confidence: 73%
“…The possibility that these large sherds or partial vessels derived from curated midden deposits suggests parallels with sites like Runnymede (Needham & Spence 1996), Potterne (Lawson 2000) and East Chisenbury (McOmish 1996) where large midden spreads survive. At the latter site McOmish also notes the mingling of human remains with more mundane deposits (cf, deposits 2174 and 4312 at Hornchurch).…”
Section: Cremation and Special Depositsmentioning
confidence: 92%
“…Within Great Britain research spanning the Neolithic, Bronze and Iron Ages, Roman period, and the Anglo-Saxon transition documents animal economic use, animal processing, and variation in the goals of zooarchaeology (Cotton et al 2006;Crabtree 1991Crabtree , 1993aCrabtree , 1996bDavis 1997;Hamshaw-Thomas 2000;Maltby 2002Maltby , 2006bMcOmish 1996;Seetah 2006). Researchers address Roman animal use in Italy (MacKinnon 2004) as well as in geographic areas other than Britain (Lauwerier 1999;Oueslati et al 2006), including North Africa (Larje 1995).…”
Section: Political Economic Use Of Animals In Europementioning
confidence: 99%