Economic inequality, income, and their effects on electoral and civil society participation in authoritarian regimes

Abstract

What effect does economic inequality in authoritarian regimes have upon the political participation of its citizens? Do individual income and repression each have a greater effect than economic inequality? Three prominent theories, namely the Conflict, Relative Power, and Resource Theories address the inequality-participation puzzle in the context of democracies. However, theoretical arguments and empirical evidence for non-democratic regimes are scarce. I argue that it is individual income and the level of repression rather than economic inequality that explain political participation in autocracies. Using three-level hierarchical models that combine micro and macro level data for 65,000 individuals covering a various set of 31 authoritarian regimes and 54 country-years, this analysis demonstrates that higher levels of economic inequality hardly suppress political participation among all citizens. However, individual income has a more powerfully effect on civil society participation, while the level of repression decreases the voting likelihood more powerful than income. These findings suggest that the Resource Theory generates the greatest empirical support for autocracies.

Examining the Access, Quality, and Relevance Gaps in Liberia’s Educational Policy Environment

“…This seems consistent with Ntawiha (2016) that educational policy inputs should be adequate to cause an increase in policy outcomes which appears not to be the case in Liberia. The conflict theorists posit that weak educational policy environment like the one obtaining in Liberia creates limited access to education and perpetuates social inequalities (Pelke, 2020). In agreement with Mokhosi (2023), the educational policy environment which does not promote equitable access to educational opportunities for all perpetuates social disparities that SDG-4 intends to eradicate by 2030.…”

“…In a cost sharing environment for instance, charging the poor higher fees could lead to fewer years at school and hence affect the literacy and numeracy levels and vice versa. Meanwhile, as education is considered as a bridge in access to equal opportunities for all members of society regardless of their background factors, conflict theorists contest the belief that education reduces social inequality by providing equal opportunities (Pelke, 2020). Mishra (2013), and Pelke (2020) postulate that education perpetuates social inequality arising from class, gender, ethnic, and racial factors.…”

Exploratory Factor Analysis of Congolese Information Technology Graduates’ Employability: Towards Sustainable Employment

“…Conflict Theory. This theory purports employability to be a mechanism for legitimizing inequality of opportunities in the educational system and the labor market in a capitalist society (Pelke, 2020). In addition, conflict theory views conflict as inherent in society because it is the foundation of social order and academic institutions are instances of the reproduction of social inequality such as ethno-racial stratification and class conflict (Chernoff, 2013).…”

The Rise of Autocracy in the Sahel of Africa: Insights from Resource Curse Theory

“…The resultant low income and inequality of unequal distribution of resources discourage political participation and engagement. Individual income and repression reduce the chances of broad-based participation in politics in authoritarian regimes (Pelke 2020). Of course, poor people have fewer resources and reasons to take part in politics.…”