Economic Sovereignty as the Democratization of Work: The Role of Basic Income

Abstract

Let us understand economic democracy as the fourfold capacity (i) to decide what social relations we wish to "enter" in order to work; (ii) to determine the (im)material nature of the space where we decide to stay and work, which requires the capacity of having a "voice" that is effectively listened to; (iii) to opt for "exiting" this space in case its nature and functioning go against what we wish for our lives; and (iv) in case we opt for leaving, to resort to an outside-theprevious-workplace offering tools for second and subsequent opportunities, that is, to effectively "restart" our (re)productive lives in other terms and conditions. Basic income can play a crucial role in fostering such capacity. Because of its unconditionality, and thanks to bargaining power deriving from it, basic income is a sort of income that is convertible in terms of (a) time to conceive of (and put into practice) projects of one's own, be it individually and/or collectively; (b) a capacity to explore alternative options and take promising risks; and (c) the right to credit, in the twofold sense of the right to financial resources and the right to social trust. As noticed and appreciated by some post-crash social movements, there are some spheres where such democracy-enhancing bargaining power may unfold: wage-earning work, the decommodification of labour force and the possible subsequent constitution of cooperatives and other self-managed (re)productive spaces, the household, entrepreneurship, socio-political participation, etc. In sum, more flexible combinations of different kinds of work may emerge when individuals and groups enjoy an income stream that is guaranteed as a right, which echoes both classical and contemporary discourses on the need for humans to have the democratic right to autonomously choose and determine work(s) all along the life cycle.

Property as a Fiduciary Relationship and the Extension of Economic Democracy

“…In any case, the fiduciary conception of property urges us to introduce legal and institutional devices to universalise economic democracy, here understood as the fourfold capacity for individuals and groups (1) to decide what social relations they wish to 'enter' in order to perform activities (very primarily, economic activity or, in other words, paid and unpaid work); (2) to determine the (im)material nature of the space where they decide to stay and work, which requires the capacity of having a 'voice' that is effectively listened to; (3) to opt for 'exiting' this space in case its nature and functioning go against what they wish for their lives; and (4) in case they opt for leaving, to resort to an outside-the-previous-space (outsidethe-previous-workplace) offering tools for second and subsequent opportunities, that is, to effectively 'restart' their (re)productive lives in other terms and conditions (Casassas 2016). 9 In sum, such (economic) democracy that is so closely linked to the many possible forms of property as a fiduciary relationship consists in, to use Harrington's motto (Harrington 1992), doing and undoing social relations 'of one's own', be it individually and/or collectively.…”

“…14 In effect, instead of rescuing individuals and groups once they have been dispossessed and, therefore, once they have lost their effective freedom and economic sovereignty, 'pre-distributive' policies reach individuals and groups ex-ante, which (1) helps them to keep clear of harmful social relations from the start and (2) increases their bargaining power when it comes to institute any kind of productive, reproductive and distributive arrangement. 15 This is why some have seen basic income as an institutional tool universally guaranteeing a crucial 'social power' (Wright 2006a(Wright , 2006b for individuals and groups to be no longer forced to accept unwanted social relations, spaces, and institutions, and to enter into all kinds of bargaining processes with real capacities to co-determine the nature of those social relations, spaces, and institutionsstarting with work relations -and, if needed, exit them (Casassas 2016(Casassas , 2018. Thus, the ultimate goal of these 'indirect strategies' is not the control over what is being done with concrete resource A, B, or C, but the universal distribution of 'social power' for individuals and groups to shape and control, to put it metaphorically, the whole alphabet, that is, to collectively master all possible scenarios within socioeconomic life in which social relations (including property relations) are to be instituted.…”

Socialismo y Renta Básica: Razones republicanas de la propuesta

“…El trabajo asalariado y dependiente se convirtió en la figura laboral más común, algo insólito históricamente hablando (Meiksins Wood, 2002). Adam Smith y otros componentes de la Ilustración escocesa observaron que la desposesión hacía "proceder a los trabajadores con el frenesí y la extravagancia propios de los desesperados", lo que les obligaba a aceptar los términos y condiciones que los propietarios de los medios de producción pudieran querer imponer (citado en Casassas, 2010).…”

“…el poder de negociación de las partes más débiles del "contrato". El poder de negociación que se deriva de un flujo incondicional de renta permite, tanto a individuos como a grupos, la búsqueda de formas alternativas de trabajo, otros modos de establecer arreglos productivos y reproductivos y nuevas relaciones sociales; en definitiva, un incremento de la libertad republicana o efectiva (Casassas, 2016(Casassas, y 2018Raventós, 2007;Raventós y Casassas, 2003).…”

Poder de negociación y distribución social de capacidades para la nacionalización de la vida económica: ¿por qué la renta básica es un proyecto democratizador?

“…Para un amplio análisis de estas cuatro capacidades que, además, las pone en relación con la preceptiva éticopolítica republicana, véaseCasassas (2016Casassas ( , 2018.…”