Economics of the N5000 Note

Teriba, Ayo

doi:10.2139/ssrn.2443353

Cited by 1 publication

(3 citation statements)

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“…74 The committee involved an OAU focal point from the unit and UN agencies who provided expertise and most of the funding. 75 The member states did not approve funding for the AWCPD, and its secretariat was located in UNECA rather than at the OAU. Yet its association with the OAU brought the Women's Unit to the centre of the emerging pan-African policy networks.…”

Section: The Setting: the African Union's Gender Governancementioning

confidence: 99%

“…To an officer at the Women's Unit, 'the story of the development of the OAU/AU gender programme can never be told without looking at its relationship with FAS' . 76 While Diop's primary focus was always on women in peace processes, and from the late 1990s the women, peace, and security agenda (WPS), she and FAS worked closely with the AWCPD and the Women's Unit to campaign for the adoption of gender mainstreaming in the new AU Constitutive Act of 2002. 77 They succeeded in that, and in achieving the adoption of the gender parity principle among the AUC commissioners.…”

Section: The Setting: the African Union's Gender Governancementioning

confidence: 99%

“…120 The alliance between the AU and the UN agencies was central to the founding of the Women's Unit in 1992, as the member states expected the budget for the unit's activities and any additional staff to be funded by the UN agencies. 121 Some institutions, like Bineta Diop's office on WPS, have been particularly resourceful in collaborating with donors to ensure enough staff at her office. 122 This has created a dynamic whereby AU femocrats' and UN agencies' aspirations around gender equality are more likely to align than those of the Women's Directorate and the member states.…”

Section: Outside Actors: Brokering Knowledge Culture and Agreementsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Pan-African gender governance: The politics of aspiration at the African Union

Tornius

2023

Rev. Int. Stud.

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The African Union (AU) has developed an elaborate gender governance architecture, including gender machineries and women’s desks, policy frameworks, path-breaking women’s rights laws, and ongoing campaigns on women’s rights–related issues. At the same time, the member states’ engagement with this architecture is at best lukewarm, with a lack of domestication, compliance, and accountability. This paradox is addressed in this article by developing the theoretical thinking around aspirational politics (Martha Finnemore and Michelle Jurkovich, ‘The politics of aspiration’, International Studies Quarterly, 64:4 [2020], pp. 759–69) and political brokers (Stacie E. Goddard, ‘Brokering change: Networks and entrepreneurs in international politics’, International Theory, 1:2 [2009], pp. 249–81), showing the social and relational origins of pan-African gender governance. In doing so, the article examines how ‘aspirational politics’ can be operationalized to examine the sociocultural and political production of shared future imaginaries. The paper focuses on AU femocrats as the key actors for AU’s aspirational gender agenda and argues for their importance as political brokers between AU member states, donors, UN agencies, and civil society organisations. By mobilizing actors and facilitating common ground and agreement, their institutionalized broker position allowed for various political entrepreneurs to emerge and thrive. At the same time, their pursuits are met with ‘aspirational fatigue’ or outright contestation by the member states. The case of the AU demonstrates how aspirational politics is not a ‘phase’ leading to norms governance but part and parcel of normative negotiation and engagement.

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Section: The Setting: the African Union's Gender Governancementioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Setting: the African Union's Gender Governancementioning

confidence: 99%