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In mid-October 2023, the electoral cycle ended in Ecuador. Its results were the election of the youngest president in the country's history, center-right Daniel Noboa. With a difference of less than four percent, Noboa managed to defeat her opponent, ‘correist’ Luisa Gonzalez. The parliamentary elections demonstrated that today none of the political forces can propose a program supported by the major part of society, and therefore none of the factions received an absolute parliamentary majority. This made three influential forces – the Civil Revolution, the Social Christian Party and the ADN presidential party – to create a situational coalition to solve the primary problems in the country: reducing the high level of violence and providing employment for the population. However, if this coalition falls apart, there is a good chance that President Noboa will repeat the political fate of his predecessor. The very conduct of this election campaign became the implementation in the political field of articles 138 and 140 known as muerte cruzada (‘cross death’) implementation in the political field, meaning the mechanism for president impeaching and simultaneously dissolving Parliament, after which early general elections are called. The election campaign took place under conditions of a state of emergency declared in the country on the eve of the first round of elections due to the murder of one of the presidential candidates. The use of the historical-comparative method in the article allows us to compare the political landscape around the previous and new Ecuadorian leaders and identify the institutional political structures features. And the historical-systemic method allows us to analyze the causes of political turbulence and Ecuadorian society polarization, and conflict-consensual development relations between the president and parliament and to predict political steps of the new president.
In mid-October 2023, the electoral cycle ended in Ecuador. Its results were the election of the youngest president in the country's history, center-right Daniel Noboa. With a difference of less than four percent, Noboa managed to defeat her opponent, ‘correist’ Luisa Gonzalez. The parliamentary elections demonstrated that today none of the political forces can propose a program supported by the major part of society, and therefore none of the factions received an absolute parliamentary majority. This made three influential forces – the Civil Revolution, the Social Christian Party and the ADN presidential party – to create a situational coalition to solve the primary problems in the country: reducing the high level of violence and providing employment for the population. However, if this coalition falls apart, there is a good chance that President Noboa will repeat the political fate of his predecessor. The very conduct of this election campaign became the implementation in the political field of articles 138 and 140 known as muerte cruzada (‘cross death’) implementation in the political field, meaning the mechanism for president impeaching and simultaneously dissolving Parliament, after which early general elections are called. The election campaign took place under conditions of a state of emergency declared in the country on the eve of the first round of elections due to the murder of one of the presidential candidates. The use of the historical-comparative method in the article allows us to compare the political landscape around the previous and new Ecuadorian leaders and identify the institutional political structures features. And the historical-systemic method allows us to analyze the causes of political turbulence and Ecuadorian society polarization, and conflict-consensual development relations between the president and parliament and to predict political steps of the new president.
The paper examines the phenomenon of global social protests that spread in 2019 across more than 20 countries. The author considers the most striking manifestations of this phenomenon that occurred in the Middle East, North Africa, Western Europe, and Asia. The paper provides a periodization of several waves of anti-globalization movement in the 21st century, whereby the current global unrest represents the third wave. The author identifies specific features of each stage and outlines a growing trend towards politicization and exacerbation of violence. Particular emphasis is made on how the protests in Latin America developed in time and space, as they spread to at least eight states of the region: Haiti, Puerto Rico, Venezuela, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, Chile, and Columbia. In each country, protests were triggered by a peculiar set of internal factors which are not susceptible to easy generalization. In order to come nearer to the understanding of the new global phenomenon the author puts forward several socio-philosophical hypotheses. In particular, the possibility of internationalization of the French ‘yellow vests’ movement, its transfer and adaptation to other countries affected by protests, is noted. In that regard the paper outlines certain ‘channels’ for exporting the French protests to Latin America, including migration and cultural ties. The author stresses that although socio-economic explanations of the global protest phenomenon that focus on such issues as the growth of inequality and social polarization, are correct, they are insufficient for a comprehensive understanding of the new and complex phenomenon. As an alternative, the author suggests using the concept of ‘social singularity’. The paper considers the key features of this concept, including the idea that contemporary global social sphere is functioning in an online mode, allowing for increased speed of social interaction and communication on a global scale. Finally, the paper examines the causes and the development of the social unrest that broke out in Ecuador and served as a starting point for escalating the protest movement in Latin America in 2019.
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