Effects of consonantal constrictions on voice quality

Chong, Adam J.; Risdal, Megan; Aly, Ann M.; Zymet, Jesse; Keating, Patricia

doi:10.1121/10.0001585

Cited by 11 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 31 publications

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“…This was to control as much as possible for the role of phrasal position on laryngeal voicing. Target sounds that were described as (possibly) having supra-laryngeal constriction were excluded, as such constriction promotes devoicing (Esling et al 2019) and lowers voicing intensity (Chong et al 2020, Garellek 2020). Thus, we excluded epiglottal stops and fricatives [ʡ ʜ ʢ], as well as [ʔ h] if they were reported to have pharyngealization or velarization, or sounded that way to us (due to trilling and/or lowered vowel quality).…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…As such, SoE measures the relative amplitude of voicing, independent of noise in the signal (Murty & Yegnanarayana 2008). This measure has been used in studies of the role of vocal tract constriction (Mittal, Yegnanarayana & Bhaskararao 2014, Chong et al 2020) and source aspiration or glottalization on the amplitude of voicing (Faytak et al 2020, Garellek 2020). SoE was calculated using VoiceSauce (Shue et al 2011) over the labeled intervals of aspiration and glottalization.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Voicing of glottal consonants and non-modal vowels

Garellek¹

2021

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

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Variation in voicing is common among sounds of the world’s languages: sounds that are analyzed as voiceless can undergo voicing, and those analyzed as voiced can devoice. Among voiceless glottal sounds in particular, voicing is widespread: linguists often expect the voiceless glottal stop [ʔ] and fricative [h] to be fully voiced, especially between vowels. In this study, we use audio recordings from Illustrations of the International Phonetic Alphabet published in the Journal of the International Phonetic Association to explore the extent to which glottal consonants and non-modal (breathy and creaky) vowels differ in terms of percentage voicing and voicing intensity in three phrasal positions. We find that voiceless [h] is only slightly less voiced than voiced [ɦ] in initial position. Between two vowels, both [h] and [ɦ] are as voiced as breathy vowels. Glottal stops and creaky vowels are both characterized by high percentages of voicing, but they differ in voicing intensity: in all phrasal positions, glottal stops generally have periods of strong and weak voicing, whereas creaky vowels are strongly voiced. In contrast, vowels described as ‘rearticulated’, ‘checked’, or ‘glottalized’ show similar drops in voicing intensity to glottal stops. We interpret these results through an articulatory lens: glottal consonants and non-modal vowels are both modulations in phonation resulting from laryngeal constriction and vocal fold spreading. We argue further that, because voicing during [ʔ] and [h] is largely predictable from respiratory and prosodic constraints, many cases of [ʔ] and [h] can be considered phonetically underspecified for voicing.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Voicing of glottal consonants and non-modal vowels

Garellek¹

2021

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

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“…Syllable stress was also coded and included in the models, following Bolyanatz (Forthcoming) who showed that stress in Chilean Spanish co-occurs with voice quality variation. The phonological segment preceding and following the vowel nucleus was coded to account for prosodic boundary effects and other potential context effects (Chong et al 2020). The predictor of speaker age was also included given that some studies have found relationships between acoustic measures, such as F0 and HNR, and age; these studies tend to find that HNR and F0 tend to decrease as speakers age (Ferrand 2002).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Acoustic Correlates of Subtypes of Irony in Chilean Spanish

Bolyanatz,

Jiménez,

Silva DePue

2024

Languages

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Utterances containing verbal irony display prosodic particularities that distinguish them from non-ironic speech. While some prosodic features of irony have been identified in Spanish, previous studies have not accounted for different subtypes, nor have they examined this phenomenon in Chilean Spanish despite the unique intonation patterns in this dialect. This study examined the acoustic and prosodic correlates of five subtypes of irony (jocularity, rhetorical questions, understatements, hyperbole, and sarcasm) spontaneously occurring in the casual speech of sociolinguistic interviews with fifteen Chilean women. We segmented 3907 syllable nuclei from 197 spontaneously occurring instances of irony and compared the syllables within the ironic utterances to those in the pre-ironic utterances, along seven acoustic and prosodic variables: pitch range, duration, F0, F1, F2, H1*–H2*, and HNR. The results showed that the speakers favored jocularity and did not produce sarcasm or understatements, and that jocularity, hyperbole, and rhetorical questions significantly differed from the baseline utterances along a variety of acoustic and prosodic measures. We argue that these cues contributed to marking the ironic utterances as salient, allowing these women to talk about difficult real-life events with a touch of humor. Our study provides additional evidence for the connection between prosody and pragmatics in Chilean Spanish and lays the groundwork for further examination of irony and prosody in this and other Spanish dialects.

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“…One plausible source of this effect, which should be considered in future research, is that modal voicing is lost more readily under narrower supralaryngeal constrictions, which encourage a fast buildup of intra-oral pressure (Stevens 1998; Solé 2010; Chong et al. 2020). Nasals and prenasalized consonants, which vent airflow through the open velopharyngeal port, may thus be less prone to anticipatory loss of non-modal voicing, even given a similar extent and timecourse of vocal fold spreading (e.g.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Voiced aspirates with mixed voicing in Yemba, a Grassfields Bantu language of Cameroon

Faytak,

Steffman

2023

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

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Using electroglottography and acoustic measures, we characterize the strength and quality of voicing in voiced aspirated and unaspirated consonants (stops, fricatives, and approximants) in Yemba (Grassfields Bantu, Cameroon). We show that the Yemba voiced aspirates exhibit mixed voicing: modal voicing during the consonant constriction, but voiceless aspiration after release. Breathy or whispery phonation extends slightly into consonant constrictions preceding, and across the entire duration of vowels following, aspiration; this non-modal phonation extends further into prenasalized consonants. Mixed voicing has typically been excluded from the possible range of laryngeal–supralaryngeal coordinative patterns in consonants, and is thought to be unattested in the world’s languages; most previous work on this topic assumes that non-modal phonation after voiced consonant release is breathy-voiced. However, we argue that Yemba voiced aspirates differ from more commonly studied breathy-release aspirates only in the settings of some gestural parameters: the late glottal spread gesture is larger in magnitude and more resistant to coarticulation, yielding consistently devoiced aspiration which may even be more perceptually recoverable compared to breathiness.

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Effects of consonantal constrictions on voice quality

Cited by 11 publications

References 31 publications

Voicing of glottal consonants and non-modal vowels

Voicing of glottal consonants and non-modal vowels

Acoustic Correlates of Subtypes of Irony in Chilean Spanish

Voiced aspirates with mixed voicing in Yemba, a Grassfields Bantu language of Cameroon

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