Elections as a conflict processing mechanism

Przeworski, Adam; Rivero, Gonzalo; Xi, Tianyang

doi:10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2015.05.006

Cited by 37 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 44 publications

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“…Finally, our argument is also related to models developed to answer how electoral rules can be obeyed in the shadow of force, which argue that the results of elections can be followed and substitute for conflict if losers prefer the potential to contest for power again in future elections to fighting today (Przeworski 1991; Przeworski 2005; Przeworski, Rivero, and Xi 2012). On the other hand, Bates (2008) argues that the prospect of losing power via competitive elections makes leaders less patient and more apt to act in a predatory manner towards their citizens (see also Bates, Greif, and Singh 2002).…”

Section: Related Workmentioning

confidence: 97%

“…Other recent game-theoretic work compares levels of violence in a game with and without elections, but only in a single period (Cox 2009; Little 2012). In many existing formal models, elections always reduce violence as—loosely speaking—voting or elections act as substitutes for fighting (Fearon 2011; Przeworski, Rivero, and Xi 2012), the election fully alleviates the uncertainty that can cause bargaining to break down (Cox 2009), or reducing antigovernment violence is the goal of elections (or democratizing) and hence they are only held when serving this end (Acemoglu and Robinson 2000; Little 2012).…”

Section: Related Workmentioning

confidence: 99%

“… 22 The requirement that actors be patient in order to accept peaceful allocation of power also shows up in (Przeworski 1991, 2005; Przeworski, Rivero, and Xi 2012). …”

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confidence: 99%

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The Political Violence Cycle

Harish

Little

2017

Am Polit Sci Rev

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E lections are often violent affairs, casting doubt on the canonical claim that democracy makes societies more peaceful by creating nonviolent means to contest for power. We develop a formal argument to demonstrate that this conclusion is incorrect. Holding elections has a direct effect of increasing levels of violence close to the voting, as this is when electoral violence can influence political outcomes. Precisely for this reason, elections also have an indirect effect of decreasing levels of violence at all other times, as parties can wait for the election when their efforts are more likely to succeed. The direct and indirect effects generate a "political violence cycle" that peaks at the election. However, when the indirect effect is larger, politics would be more violent without elections. When elections also provide an effective nonviolent means to contest for power, they unambiguously make society more peaceful while still generating a political violence cycle.Sick of elecshun [sic] related violence and terror attacks. Can't wait for elecshuns to be over and get non-elecshun related violence back.-A tweet from the satirical and pseudonymous @majorlyp during the 2013 Pakistani elections

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Section: Related Workmentioning

confidence: 97%

Section: Related Workmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Political Violence Cycle

Harish

Little

2017

Am Polit Sci Rev

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“… 16. This point is made more extensively in the literature on competitive elections as a means to process conflict (Przeworski, 1991; Przeworski et al, 2015). …”

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confidence: 99%

Are non-competitive elections good for citizens?

Little

2016

Journal of Theoretical Politics

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Many regimes, particularly autocracies, hold elections where the ruling regime's victory is a foregone conclusion. This paper provides a formal analysis of how these non-competitive elections affect citizen welfare compared to a non-electoral baseline. To do so, I first develop a gametheoretic framework that captures many extant theories of why regimes hold non-competitive elections, which are modeled solely as a public signal of the regime's strength. Incumbents hold non-competitive elections to signal strength or gather information, which allows the regime to manage political interactions more effectively. However, even though non-competitive elections are a useful tool for (autocratic) regimes, they are also valuable to citizens. This is because citizens can also utilize the information generated by the election, and may receive more transfers, less repression, or more responsive policy than they would with no elections.

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“… 3 E.g. Boix 2003; Boix and Stokes 2003; Przeworski 1991; Przeworski 2005; Przeworski, Rivero and Xi 2013; Scartascini and Tommasi 2012; Wantchekon 2004.…”

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confidence: 99%

Transparency, Protest and Democratic Stability

Hollyer

Rosendorff

Vreeland

2018

Brit. J. Polit. Sci.

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Democratic rule is maintained so long as all relevant actors in the political system comply with the institutional rules of the game – democratic institutions must be self-enforcing. We examine the role of transparency in supporting a democratic equilibrium. Transparency improves the functioning of elections: in transparent polities, elections more effectively resolve adverse selection problems between the public and their rulers. Transparency increases popular satisfaction with democracy and inhibits challenges to the democratic order. We provide a game-theoretic model, test these claims, and find they enjoy empirical support. Transparency is associated with a reduction in both the probability of democratic collapse and of the irregular removal of democratic leaders. Transparency stabilizes democratic rule.

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Elections as a conflict processing mechanism

Cited by 37 publications

References 44 publications

The Political Violence Cycle

The Political Violence Cycle

Are non-competitive elections good for citizens?

Transparency, Protest and Democratic Stability

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