Electoral Accountability in the Midst of Criminal Violence: Evidence from Mexico

Ley, Sandra

doi:10.1111/laps.12008

Cited by 44 publications

(24 citation statements)

References 35 publications

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“…There is, after all, sufficient evidence showing that crime victimization negatively affects a victim's trust in government institutions (Ceobanu et al 2011;Corbacho et al 2012;Cruz 2008;Fernández and Kuenzi 2010;Pérez 2003) and that victims of crime find government messages less credible (Romero et al 2015). There is also evidence showing a decrease in political participation due to increases in crime in the case of Mexico (Ley 2013;Trelles and Carreras 2012). However, Bateson (2012) finds a strong positive effect of crime victimization on political participation using survey data from the five continents.…”

Section: Direct Victimizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Romero (2013) finds no effect of crime victimization on approval for Mexico's president Calderón in 2010, but he finds a negative effect if someone at the interviewee's household has been the direct victim of a crime. Ley (2013) does not find any effect of victimization on approval for the case of Mexico in 2012, and Bravo (2012) reports a negative effect of crime victimization on presidential approval using AmericasBarometer data for a panel of 20 countries in the Americas for 2010.…”

Section: Direct Victimizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Presidential Approval and Public Security in Mexico's War on Crime

Romero¹,

Magaloni

Díaz-Cayeros

2016

Lat. Am. polit. soc.

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To fight criminal organizations effectively, governments require support from significant segments of society. Citizen support provides important leverage for executives, allowing them to continue their policies. Yet winning citizens' hearts and minds is not easy. Public security is a deeply complex issue. Responsibility is shared among different levels of government; information is highly mediated by mass media and individual acquaintances; and security has a strong effect on peoples' emotions, since it threatens to affect their most valuable assets-life and property. How do citizens translate their assessments of public security into presidential approval? To answer this question, this study develops explicit theoretical insights into the conditions under which different dimensions of public security affect presidential approval. The arguments are tested using Mexico as a case study.T his study analyzes the impact that citizens' assessments of security issues have on presidential approval. Specifically, it delves into the specific conditions that prompt citizens to punish or reward the chief executive. Little is known about the impact public security issues have on presidential approval. The bulk of the literature has focused on analyzing the impact of the economy and foreign affairs on an executive's job approval. 1 The relationship between crime and performance evaluations has usually been the domain of local politics. However, due to the significant increase in crime and violence in many countries around the globe, the responsibility for public security has partially shifted away from local governments toward the national sphere of government.

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Section: Direct Victimizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Direct Victimizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Presidential Approval and Public Security in Mexico's War on Crime

Romero¹,

Magaloni

Díaz-Cayeros

2016

Lat. Am. polit. soc.

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“…For the purposes of this article, I use social context to refer to the reoccurring and reciprocal interactions between an individual and his or her immediate interpersonal relationships, and I use kinship as one key component of this social environment.2 For more information seeLey (2017).Dorff…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Violence, kinship networks, and political resilience

Dorff

2017

Journal of Peace Research

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Previous literature has shown a link between violent victimization and pro-sociopolitical behavior. This study asks why victimization is shown to increase the likelihood of political participation in regions of ongoing armed conflict. I argue that previous answers to this question have overlooked a key variable for predicting civilian behavior: individual-level social context. As a step forward in connecting social networks to behavior outcomes, I present the kinship network as a novel measure for proxying an individual’s valuable and private social interactions. Building on previous victimization literature, I suggest that to comprehensively understand the effects of victimization, scholars should account for social context. Specifically, I examine the hypothesis that as kinship ties strengthen, victimization positively influences the likelihood of political participation. To test this argument, I turn to the Mexican criminal conflict. I use original survey data of 1,000 respondents collected in July 2012 from the ongoing drug war in Mexico, and in doing so, I find that kinship plays a key role in motivating political participation during armed conflicts in that survivors of criminal violence with strong ties to kinship networks are the most likely to participate in political groups; these results are robust to state-level fixed effects and are unlikely to be driven by victimization selection bias.

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“…2014, Germano 2013, Goodman and Hiskey 2008, López García 2017, Maydom 2017, Meseguer et al 2016 on political attitudes and behaviour; and for the handful of papers that have begun to explore the relationship between remittances and crime (Brito, Corbacho and Osorio 2014, Meseguer, Ley and Olivo 2017, Vargas 2009 together with the political effects of migrant remittances in 'violent settings' (Pérez-Armendáriz this issue, Pérez-Armendáriz and Duquette-Rury this issue, López García and Maydom this issue, Meseguer, Ley and Ibarra-Olivo this issue). Our findings are also relevant for work on the impact of crime on political behaviour in Mexico (Ley 2017a, 2017b, Trelles and Carreras 2012, and more recent work linking crime to incumbent support (Romero, Magaloni andDíaz-Cayeros 2016, Romero 2017).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 59%

Crime, remittances, and presidential approval in Mexico

Doyle

García²

2019

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies

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Previous work on remittances and incumbency support has focused on recipients' (pocketbook and sociotropic) economic assessments. In Mexico, however, crime has become the second (if not the first) concern of voters and security evaluations have become closely linked to the national executive's performance. In this paper we posit that in Mexico remittances can also increase incumbent support through their effect on recipients' public security assessments. We attribute this finding to remittances allowing recipients to take crime-preventive measures and alleviate some of the pressure associated with crime and violence, which in turn improves recipients' assessments of the security situation of the country and evaluations of the incumbent. Using individual data from Mexico for the period 2006-2017, we find that remittance recipients have higher levels of perceived personal safety and better national security evaluations than non-recipients, and that public security assessments are a significant predictor of presidential approval rates. The evidence thus suggests that in Mexico, where crime is rising, and presidents are increasingly rewarded or blamed for public security, the effect of remittances on presidential approval also operates through improved personal safety perceptions and public security assessments.

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Electoral Accountability in the Midst of Criminal Violence: Evidence from Mexico

Cited by 44 publications

References 35 publications

Presidential Approval and Public Security in Mexico's War on Crime

Presidential Approval and Public Security in Mexico's War on Crime

Violence, kinship networks, and political resilience

Crime, remittances, and presidential approval in Mexico

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