Kaheny observed in 2010 that ' '[w]ithout doubt, a crucial development in judicial scholarship has been an increasing interest in analyzing the lower federal appellate courts'' (p. 29). There is good reason for this interest. In matters of correctional law, the 13 U.S. Courts of Appeals perform two important functions: the error correction function remedies departure from procedural and substantive rules; and the law-making function draws the parameters of statutory and constitutional rights (Cooper & Berman, 2000).The newfound interest in the U.S. Courts of Appeals stems in part from the U.S. Supreme Court's selective use of certiorari: it issued opinions in 92 cases during the 2009-2010 term, only one of which directly spoke to prisoners' rights, Wilkins v. Gaddy (2010). By contrast, the Court heard some 150 cases annually during the 1980s (Schauer, 2009)-a decade that included landmark prisoners' rights cases such as Rhodes v. Chapman (1981), Whitley v. Albers (1986), and Turner v. Safley (1987). Consequently, in 2010 the U.S. Courts of Appeals functioned as the de facto courts of last resort in prison litigation. An understanding of correctional law requires scrutiny of their decisions.In-keeping with previous installments, this annual survey examines select prisoners' rights cases decided by the U.S. Courts of Appeals during 2010 and recommended for full-text publication in the Federal Reporter, third series. The author chose these cases because they addressed persistent, important, or emerging constitutional issues about confinement in jails and prisons. Because a summary judgment or dismissal in these cases typically led to their appeal, the cases discussed herein reflect the practice of the U.S. Courts of Appeals to review cases de novo and, in so doing, to view all facts and draw all inferences in the light most favorable to the plaintiffs. As in past, this installment examines only constitutional issues raised before the U.S. Courts of Appeals.
Medical Care AlcoholismThe National Commission on Correctional Health Care (2002) found that the ''vast majority'' of the jail population abuse alcohol or other substances (p. 590). Consequently, many county jails function as de facto detoxification facilities (Freudenberg, 2001), where afflicted inmates do not receive even basic care (Wilper et al., 2009). The failure of jailers to recognize and respond to alcohol withdrawal syndrome can result in death and liability. This scenario occurred in Harper