Emotional Sequelae of Abortion: Implications for Clinical Practice

Lemkau, Jeanne Parr

doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.1988.tb00978.x

Cited by 38 publications

(31 citation statements)

References 33 publications

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“…Baker and Khasiani (1992) expressed concern about the lack of information and absence of counselling in non-legal settings. It has been suggested that a woman's reaction to abortion may be influenced by whether or not she receives counselling and by the type of counselling she receives (Lemkau, 1988). Clearly, in contexts where abortion is illegal, the provision of counselling interventions is limited, if not non-existent.…”

Section: Treatment By Abortion Providermentioning

confidence: 98%

“…Lemkau (1988) suggested that decisions about childrearing, or about pursuing the options that "limit childbearing, are of such consequence, that ambivalence is the norm. Participants' descriptions highlighted the experience that there is no painless way of dealing with an unwanted pregnancy.…”

Section: Personal Reasonsmentioning

confidence: 98%

“…Some women report periods of depression, anxiety, guilt or regret following the procedure (Adler et al, 1990;Mueller & Major, 1989). Adler (1979) and Lemkau (1988) claimed that these are usually experienced to a mild degree and diminish over time. However, a few cases of longer term psychotic reactions have also been reported (e.g.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 97%

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Experiences of Induced Abortion among a Group of South African Women

Suffla

1997

South African Journal of Psychology

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Abortion, more than most procedures, is embedded in a social context that has implications for psychological responses of women. This study used a qualitative research framework to explore five black women's interpretations of their experiences of illegal abortion. Individual interviews were conducted covering the experience of the abortion decision, the abortion procedure itself, the perceived psychological impact of the abortion and perceptions of coping. A thematic analysis was utilised to explore participants' accounts of their abortion experiences. Overall, the study revealed that the abortion decision is multi-dimensional. Participants' accounts of their abortion experience revealed that for most of them the abortion decision was characterised by some degree of ambivalence. Women of diverse developmental levels, with different personal roles and responsibilities and from varying socio-economic circumstances were found to use abortion to avoid unwanted child-bearing. The manner in which women responded to the procedure was found to be a joint function of their psychological state and of the social environment in which the abortion occurred.

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Section: Treatment By Abortion Providermentioning

confidence: 98%

Section: Personal Reasonsmentioning

confidence: 98%

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Experiences of Induced Abortion among a Group of South African Women

Suffla

1997

South African Journal of Psychology

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“…When women freely choose legal abortions, they usually cope quite well. Negative emotional aftereffects are uncommon; the most frequently reported emotion is relief (Lemkau, 1988). Researchers have generally found that psychological distress scores drop immediately after abortions and remain low for several weeks afterward.…”

Section: Abortionmentioning

confidence: 98%

Motherhood and Reproductive Issues

Chrisler

Johnston‐Robledo

Issues in the Psychology of Women

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INTRODUCTlONThe topics discussed in this chapter (menstruation, menopause, pregnancy, birth, contraception, and motherhood) are central to the psychology of women. They are, after all, experienced only by women, and most women, despite the diversity of their lives, will experience menstruation and menopause and consider whether (and when) to use contraception. The majority of women will become pregnant at some point in their lives, and most who do will become mothers. Thus, our menstrual, menopausal, and reproductive experiences have the potential to draw together women who otherwise might not have much in common, and women do, under congenial circumstances, enjoy sharing with each other stories about menarche and mothering or arguing about whose labor or hot flashes were the most difficult to endure.Although menarche can be a source of pride, pregnancy exciting, and motherhood the fount of our greatest joys, reproduction can also become oppressive to women. Obstetrics and Gynecology, the only medical specialty exclusively focused on women, essentially defines women in terms of the traditional roles of wife and mother, and it redefines normal developmental events in women's lives into illnesses and medical emergencies (Gannon, 1998;Rosser, 1993). Medical imperialism (Gannon, 1998) and sociocultural pressures can combine to convince women that they have little control over their reproductive experiences or force them to be secretive about the decisions they have made. Therefore, counselors and psychotherapists who work with women should expect to hear a wide range of attitudes, concerns, and experiences with regard to the topics of this chapter. MENSTRUATIONMost Western women can expect to experience monthly menstrual cycles for three to four decades. The regular appearance of the menses is a sign of good health, is symbolic of a connection to other women, represents biological maturity, signifies our ability to bear children, but lets us know we are not pregnant (Chrisler, 1996). The menstrual cycle provides a clear distinction between women and men, and, as a result, "its correlates, concomitants, ac-

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“…Ambivalence and anxiety before the procedure has been reported in previous studies. Indeed, Lemkau [10] claims that ambivalence is the norm for a woman who has an abortion, despite liberalisation of abortion laws, and that it is conceptualised in intrapsychic terms as 'personal conflict' , her decision being in conflict with her personal values. [11,12] The fact that women in this survey seemed relieved and objectively euthymic (as revealed by the completed PTSD and depression screening instruments), yet admitted to depressed mood/suicidal ideation/ conflicted emotions, emphasises the subjective experience of the TOP.…”

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confidence: 99%

Of ambivalence, shame and guilt: Perceptions regarding termination of pregnancy among South African women

Subramaney

Williams

2015

S Afr Med J

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Termination of pregnancy (TOP) for health or other reasons is an emotive and contentious issue, steeped in the context of a political, moral and religious climate. For most women, the decision to have a TOP is not easy, regardless of the reason. While early literature [1][2][3] supported the notion that that there is little in the way of negative sequelae following TOP, more recent long-term studies [4][5][6] have suggested that negative sequelae may be more common than was previously thought. Risk factors for the development of negative sequelae include the attitude projected by those providing the procedure (negative attitudes of providers tend to promote emotional sequelae in women undergoing TOP), previous psychological/psychiatric history (associated with higher rates of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and depression [6] following TOP), and low income (with women from low-income groups having higher admission rates for depression and PTSD after TOP [4] ). A recent survey involved 102 women undergoing TOP at two clinics in Johannesburg, SA (51 from each), one serving women with few economic resources (site 1) and the other serving women with adequate resources (site 2). The women were recruited and followed up for 3 months. At baseline, biographical data were obtained and there were no significant demographic differences between women recruited from the two sites.The Beck Depression Inventory (BDI), [7] a 21-item self-rating scale that is a validated and reliable instrument to assess depression, was administered to all the women.To explore the meaning that the decision to undergo TOP had for women, the consensual qualitative research method [8] was used to analyse the transcripts of 22 women, 13 from site 1 and 9 from site 2, 1 month after the procedure. The women were administered a short questionnaire during a semistructured interview that sought to capture: (i) their reasons for TOP; (ii) their thoughts and feelings before the procedure; (iii) their thoughts and feelings after the procedure; and (iv) their experiences of the procedure (any positive and/or negative feelings about the actual procedure). To elicit symptoms of PTSD, together with the BDI, the revised version of the Impact of Events Scale (IES-R) [9] was administered to assess women's subjective experience, including intrusive thoughts, re-experiencing and avoidance reactions, each on a severity rating of 0 -5.The women who willingly answered the question 'What was the reason for the TOP?' were generally younger, better educated and more likely to be employed than those who did not answer the question. There were no differences in scores for depression and PTSD in those who answered the question compared with those who did not. There were also no differences between the responses of women of lower socioeconomic status (site 1) and higher socioeconomic status (site 2).Major themes and subthemes were identified independently by three reviewers, and consensus was obtained to ensure credibility and reliability of the interpretations made by...

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Emotional Sequelae of Abortion: Implications for Clinical Practice

Cited by 38 publications

References 33 publications

Experiences of Induced Abortion among a Group of South African Women

Experiences of Induced Abortion among a Group of South African Women

Motherhood and Reproductive Issues

Of ambivalence, shame and guilt: Perceptions regarding termination of pregnancy among South African women

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