(En)gendered security?

Ellerby, Kara

doi:10.4324/9781315755694-9

Cited by 9 publications

(4 citation statements)

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“…Simultaneously, protection from human rights violations is one of the core pillars of the WPS framework. In fact, the protection of women – centered narrowly on CRSV – has become disproportionately emphasized within WPS to the detriment of women’s participation norms (Barrow, 2010; Puechguirbal, 2010; Ellerby, 2015; Kreft, 2017). As a New York-based UN Women employee 1 stated with some despair, many bureaucrats’ and diplomats’ minds immediately jump to rape when talk turns to women in war.…”

Section: Theory: Sexual Violence Elicits Support For Interventionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Sexual violence, gendered protection and support for intervention

Agerberg

Kreft

2022

Journal of Peace Research

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The protection of civilians from human rights violations has increasingly become a global priority. The wars in Bosnia and Rwanda in the 1990s, and the development of the Women, Peace and Security framework have placed conflict-related sexual violence on the global protection agenda. Prior research has found that international attention to, and intervention in, conflicts is in fact more likely when there are reports of widespread sexual violence, regardless of overall conflict intensity. This article theorizes and empirically examines the micro-level underpinnings of these patterns. We hypothesize that individuals are more likely to support military intervention in conflicts with prevalent sexual violence as opposed to other types of conflict violence. The reason lies in gendered protection norms, based in benevolent sexism, that continue to have traction also in Western societies. In equivalent survey experiments carried out in the United States, the United Kingdom and Sweden, we find that support for international intervention is highest in sexual violence conflicts. In the United States and the United Kingdom, the responsibility to protect and gendered perceptions of victimhood mediate this effect. A follow-up experiment in the United States provides further evidence of a gendered protection norm as a core mechanism driving our results.

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Section: Theory: Sexual Violence Elicits Support For Interventionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Sexual violence, gendered protection and support for intervention

Agerberg

Kreft

2022

Journal of Peace Research

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“…It has indeed been noted that the meaning of 'prevention' in the WPS agenda has steadily shifted from a general opposition to war to a limited focus on civilian victimization and war crimes, and even to an accommodation with military operations where deemed sufficiently cognizant of 'human security'. 81 This particular version of mainstreaming has of course helped bring in precisely those actors condemned in the radical analysis-military leaders, foreign ministers, global corporations that might sponsor UN Women campaigns-but it has also meant that the most easily visible future is one in which ever greater attention is given to resource distribution through state contributions, the partnership of civil society groups and states, and the professionalization and institutionalization of women in global security and justice policy. 82 Although ambitious in their scope, and therefore underspecified in policy terms as well as subject to considerable political dispute, the more radical versions of WPS are truer to civil society motivations in pushing for UNSCR 1325 in the first place.…”

Section: Future (Im)perfectmentioning

confidence: 99%

The futures past of the Women, Peace and Security agenda

Kirby

Shepherd

2016

International Affairs

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The Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda has developed at the United Nations over the course of the past 15 years, and there have been critical engagements with it for nearly as long. In this article, we first take stock of the operationalization of the WPS agenda, reviewing its implementation across a number of sectors. In the second section, we expose the tensions that have marked the WPS agenda from the start. With others, we argue that there has been a narrowing of the agenda's original scope, reducing it to the traditional politics of security rather than reimagining what security means. We highlight this reduction primarily through an analysis of the tension between the ‘participation’ and ‘protection’ pillars of the agenda. Further, we argue that the WPS agenda faces a current challenge in terms of the actors entrusted with it. Although in some ways involving civil society, the consolidations and implementation of WPS principles at the national and international levels have become increasingly state‐centric. Third, we imagine some possible futures of the agenda, from a trajectory characterized by increasing marginalization or even irrelevance, to new avenues like the emergent, albeit tentative, ‘Men, Peace and Security’ agenda. We close with an argument for a revival of the WPS agenda beyond a fixation on states, beyond a narrow heteronormative or essentialist focus on the ‘Women’ of the WPS resolutions, and moving towards the radical reimagining of security as peace that inspired the original architects of these important resolutions.

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“…Peace agreements decide 'who gets what, who does what, and when and where resources will be allocated' . 148 There is consensus that there is an alarming, unsystematic lack of references to women, and absence of women in peace mediations.149 Christine Bell and Catherine O'Rourke found that 16 per cent of peace agreements contain specific references to women between January 1990 and January 2010, and any increases post-unsc Res. 1325 are modest.150 Out of 61 peace agreements concluded between August 2008 and March 2012, a mere two signatories were women, and only seven out of 11 un-led processes had regular consultations with women civil society organisations.151 Also, there has never been a female chief mediator.152 Similarly, Robert Jenkins and Anne-Marie Goetz found that out of 300 peace agreements relating to 45 conflicts between 1989 and 2008, only 18 accords regarding ten conflicts mention sgbv.153 In no cases was special attention given to sgbv.…”

Section: Peace Processes and The Absence Of Womenmentioning

confidence: 97%

Overcoming the Gender Gap: The Possibilities of Alignment between the Responsibility to Protect and the Women, Peace and Security Agenda

Hewitt

2016

Global Responsib Prot

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This article examines the relationship between the Women, Peace and Security (wps) agenda and the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). R2P remains 'gender-blind' , inadequately addressing gender issues encompassed within the wps agenda. Currently, women are limited by gendered structural inequalities and marginalisation in conflict, where the wps agenda has failed to be incorporated in R2P and broader conflict mechanisms. I argue that the wps agenda and R2P are mutually beneficial and complementary in their protection mandates to enable lasting peace. I identify three common intersecting commitments of these two normative frameworks to provide a more holistic, gender-sensitive approach to conflict. These are prevention and early warning systems, protection and gender-sensitive peacekeeping, and women's participation in peace processes. I conclude that identifying common areas of engagement could potentially effect positive changes for women and men on the ground in conflict prevention and protection, and post-conflict reconstruction.

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(En)gendered security?

Cited by 9 publications

References 0 publications

Sexual violence, gendered protection and support for intervention

Sexual violence, gendered protection and support for intervention

The futures past of the Women, Peace and Security agenda

Overcoming the Gender Gap: The Possibilities of Alignment between the Responsibility to Protect and the Women, Peace and Security Agenda

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