2011
DOI: 10.1093/indlaw/dwr020
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Enforcing Equality Law: Two Steps Forward and Two Steps Backwards for Reflexive Regulation

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Cited by 45 publications
(38 citation statements)
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“…The PSEDs embraced ‘positive action’, thus acknowledging the ‘systematic barriers to equal participation that carry the label of institutional discrimination’ (O'Brien, : 28). The original local and collectivist vision underlying the PSEDs utilised a system of ‘reflexive regulation’ (Hepple, ; O'Brien, : 487) in which cooperation between stakeholders—managers, employees, service users and unions—was emphasised over coercion and, in contrast to, adversarial litigation. This potentially provided unions with a new role: facilitating participation and engaging with employees and service users to establish an evidence base upon which codes of practice would be based.…”
Section: Changes In Equality Law: Devolving Responsibilitiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…The PSEDs embraced ‘positive action’, thus acknowledging the ‘systematic barriers to equal participation that carry the label of institutional discrimination’ (O'Brien, : 28). The original local and collectivist vision underlying the PSEDs utilised a system of ‘reflexive regulation’ (Hepple, ; O'Brien, : 487) in which cooperation between stakeholders—managers, employees, service users and unions—was emphasised over coercion and, in contrast to, adversarial litigation. This potentially provided unions with a new role: facilitating participation and engaging with employees and service users to establish an evidence base upon which codes of practice would be based.…”
Section: Changes In Equality Law: Devolving Responsibilitiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…However, while acknowledging ‘the pioneering work of trade union equality representatives’ (Discrimination Law Review, : 11), Labour failed to provide them with statutory rights to time off to perform their role. The subsequent election of a Coalition of Conservatives and Liberal Democrats, hostile to union facility time and many of the more progressive and proactive provisions of the EqA, has since made this aspiration even less realisable (Fredman, ; Hepple, ).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This saw some dilution in terms of leverage of the duties. A requirement to consult (under the race and gender duties) and even 'involve' (under the disability duty) interest groups such as unions has been replaced with an unenforceable non-statutory guideline (Hepple, 2011). This severely diminishes the likelihood of consequences of not involving trade unions in formulating organisational responses to the public sector equality duty and thus limits the scope of the duty as a tool to get employers to the bargaining table.…”
Section: The Context Of Equality Bargaining In Local Governmentmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This severely diminishes the likelihood of consequences of not involving trade unions in formulating organisational responses to the public sector equality duty and thus limits the scope of the duty as a tool to get employers to the bargaining table. Indeed, Hepple (2011) argues 'there is not enough carrot or stick to make engagement with interest groups an essential feature of the public sector equality duty' (p. 332).…”
Section: The Context Of Equality Bargaining In Local Governmentmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This is the case because of the particular context in which corporate HRIAs will be undertaken -against a backdrop of generally poor human rights self-regulatory mechanisms that have been largely ineffective in the past, a deeply sceptical civil society and a limited shared understanding of what the HRIA process does, or should, entail. Yet it is also true more generally that other commentators on reflexive and 'soft' regulatory instruments have identified the importance of ensuring effective stakeholder engagement and meaningful monitoring of practice as vital to the successfulness of such endeavours (Braithwaite 2008;Hepple 2011).…”
Section: Concluding Thoughtsmentioning
confidence: 99%