English Society in the Eighteenth Century Revisited

Porter, Roy

doi:10.1007/978-1-349-21032-9_2

Cited by 64 publications

(23 citation statements)

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“…Thief-taking enterprises tended to be dispersed and discrete; businesses were autonomous agencies rather than part of a coherent, directed, crime control strategy. Much like the private initiatives taken in hospitals, workhouses, asylums, and prisons, they sprang up between the cracks of public institutions, co-existing with them rather than replacing or reforming them (Porter 1990;Innes 1990;Aylmer 1980).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 98%

“…A particular and in some ways peculiar specialization around security and protection was developing. Policing in the [ate seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries was being reconstituted as a mirror image of the times, as a private service where, generally speaking, you oblained only what you paid for (Rock 1977;Brewer 1980;Howson 1970;Babington 1969;Porter 1990). It was evolving as a commodity, bought and sold on the assumption that its function was to protect citizens from danger to property and person, or to restore loss, harm and dignity (Spitzer 1987: 51, 45).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 98%

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The political economy of thief-taking

McMullan

1995

Crime Law Soc Change

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Abstract. This paper is a focussed reassembly and interpretation of the world of the monied police in London from 1650 to 1750. It begins by tracing early commercial strategies in informing for profit, spying, thief-taking and crime-control. Next it examines the connections between thieving, receiving and deceiving as a form of policing in the first half of the eighteenth century. Then, the paper analyzes the political economy of blood for blood, especially the relations between law, the commercial compromise of the state and the market in the production of thief-taking. The paper concludes by discussing some limits of commercial policing for security and public order.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 98%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 98%

The political economy of thief-taking

McMullan

1995

Crime Law Soc Change

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“…However, the rationale for 'reasons of state' extending themselves to new shapes, and especially touching upon 'marginal' men and women, was being laid. For a general and vivid account, see Porter (1990Porter ( [1982). 21 See the extensive study of German cameralism in Tribe (1988).…”

Section: IVmentioning

confidence: 97%

Liberal conduct

Ivison¹

1993

History of the Human Sciences

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Liberty is a practice. So there may, in fact, always be a certain number of projects whose aim is to modify some constraints, to loosen, or even to break them, but none of these projects can, simply by its nature, assure that people will have liberty automatically, that it will be established by the project itself. (Michel Foucault/Space, Knowledge, Power' [an interview], 1982)The Commonwealth of learning here is taking a complete holiday; we have all become politicians. (John Locke to P. van Limborch, 7 August 1689) I Recently, liberal theory has been confronting itself in a historical guise. One result has been an interpretation that says it is simply one tradition among others and thus embodies certain contingent rather than universal features. More interestingly, another interpretation claims that even if this is the case, it is a 'contingent' tradition that embodies universal claims; it might just be a tradition but it is one that includes, for example, the Declaration of the Universal Rights of Man.' Whatever the case, there is a need to come up with the goods, so to speak, and to show as precisely and carefully as possible the historical contours of this tradition. There are (at least) two general reasons for doing so. One is to identify a cluster of practices or constraints working on or through an ideology, and which seem to remain opaque to its objects (and sometimes its practitioners); hence the imperative to 'excavate' or 'restore'. The second reason is that in doing so we loosen the grip of these conceptions and practices by seeing them as recent or contingent, and thus learn to distinguish between 'the necessary' and possibly modifiable. The point, as Foucault put it, is to lay the depth out in front; 'depth is

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“…The consumer revolution meant that 'a greater proportion of the population than in any previous society in human history was able to enjoy the pleasures of buying consumer goods', goods that included 'not only necessities, but decencies, and even luxuries ' (McKendrick et al, 1982: 9;Porter, 1991;Brewer and Porter, 1993). What goods constituted 'decencies and even luxuries'?…”

Section: Before the Consumer Society: Historical Emergence Of Discretmentioning

confidence: 98%

Discretionary unplanned buying in consumer society

Wood

2005

J of Consumer Behaviour

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This paper addresses a disjunction between consumer behaviour discourse about 'impulse buying' and the reality of shopper behaviour in contemporary marketing and retail environments, by revising the concept of unplanned buying. 'Discretionary unplanned buying' is distinguished from impulse buying and is argued to be part of the core meaning of a 'consumer society'. Consumers buy goods and services with discretionary income intentionally, but without prior planning. It is suggested that such purchases account for a significant portion of the excitement and the 'hedonic' satisfaction that consumers receive from their consumption purchases, both in the present day and historically. Consumer experiences as well as the historical development of retail places and consumer society are considered.

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English Society in the Eighteenth Century Revisited

Cited by 64 publications

References 0 publications

The political economy of thief-taking

The political economy of thief-taking

Liberal conduct

Discretionary unplanned buying in consumer society

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