Environmental issue linkage as an electoral advantage: the case of NAFTA

Lee, Boram

doi:10.1080/09692290.2021.1949741

Cited by 3 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 43 publications

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“…The executive branch would not have pressured Canada and Mexico into signing off on those strong enforcement mechanisms, had it already secured enough pro-NAFTA votes from pro-environment and pro-labor Democrats within Congress. For example, Lee (2021) finds that the environmental side agreement boosted support for NAFTA from House members in competitive electoral districts. Taken together, it is crucial to study how legislators shift their position on a single bill or agreement to better understand policy processes in democracies.…”

Section: Theorymentioning

confidence: 99%

Does the U.S. Congress Respond to Public Opinion on Trade?

Lee

Pomirchy

Schonfeld

2023

American Politics Research

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Are U.S. legislators responsive to public opinion on trade? Despite the prevalence of preference-based approaches to international trade, not much work has directly assessed the relationship between constituency opinion and positioning by members of Congress on trade bills. We assess dynamic responsiveness (whether shifting constituency opinion on trade yields corresponding changes among legislators) by exploiting an original dataset on the positions of members of Congress on the North American Free Trade Agreement at various points leading up to the November 1993 roll-call vote. We find no evidence of dynamic re-sponsiveness to shifting constituency opinion on even a highly salient piece of trade legislation. We provide qualitative evidence that interest group influence may instead be the predominant source of shifting legislator positioning on trade.

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Section: Theorymentioning

confidence: 99%

Does the U.S. Congress Respond to Public Opinion on Trade?

Lee

Pomirchy

Schonfeld

2023

American Politics Research

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“…The theory of the economic coercion trilemma explains how issues are credibly linked in the context of coercion. The literature emphasizes how issue linkage facilitates cooperation by expanding the set of potential gains in bargaining (Sebenius 1983; Eichengreen and Frieden 1993; Huelshoff 1994; Lohmann 1997; Davis 2004, 2012; Dobbin, Simmons, and Garrett 2007; McKibben 2010; Dür and Elsig 2015; Lee 2021). 4 While one scholarly perspective suggests that linkage politics enhance credibility, another argues the opposite.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Economic Coercion Trilemma

Mangini

2023

Journal of Conflict Resolution

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States often use market access as a bargaining chip in international politics. A state that requires simultaneous compliance in multiple issue areas before granting market access maximizes incentives to comply but also makes them brittle – any targeted states that cannot comply in one issue area have no incentive to comply in any. More generally, programs of economic coercion can achieve at most two of the following three objectives: 1) secure a broad coalition of domestic political support, 2) the association of meaningful trade value with each policy issue, and 3) assurance that enforcing one political issue will not reduce the target’s incentives to comply with conditionality on others. Characteristics of the program’s domestic constituency, of the issues themselves, and of the international economy are key determinants of how the state prioritizes the three objectives. The trilemma explains the number and types of issues that can be linked to economic value.

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“…By the time climate change became an issue in the late 1990s and early 2000s, environmental groups were essential to the Democratic coalition, so that party elites had no choice but to quickly embrace climate policy (Bryner, 2008; Mitchell et al, 1991; Nordhaus & Shellenberger, 2007). By extension, the party as a whole has largely embraced environmentalism, and many within the party link other priorities to environmentalism in order to create consensus on specific policy proposals (Lee, 2021). As environmental groups became a core part of the Democratic coalitions, often pressuring party elites to pursue an aggressive agenda to address emerging environmental problems, the business community used its ties to the Republican Party to push back against these efforts (Karol, 2019).…”

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confidence: 99%

Searching for green elephants and other mythical creatures during the Trump years: Partisanship and congressional voting on environmental legislation

Fowler

2022

Politics & Policy

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Are there any environmentalists left in the Republican Party? Using exploratory factor analysis (EFA) and data from the League of Conservation Voters (LCV) for the 115th (2017–2018) and 116th (2019–2020) Congresses, the author finds that around 25% of Republicans in the House of Representatives and 40% of those in the Senate are more supportive of environmental legislation than the average Democrat in their respective chambers, when separating partisanship from environmentalism. However, findings also suggest that environmentalism for Republicans tends to focus far more on conserving existing programs and resources than it does on advocating for progressive new policies to address emerging problems, like climate change, so it manifests differently than environmentally focused initiatives that are synonymous with the policy doctrine of Democrats. Related Articles Dunning, Kelly Heber. 2021. “Unlikely Conservation Policy Making in a Polarized Congress: A Multiple Streams Analysis of ‘America's Most Successful Conservation Program’.” Politics & Policy 50(1): 93–118. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12448. Gershtenson, Joseph, Brian W. Smith, and William R. Mangun. 2006. “Friends of the Earth? Partisanship, Party Control of Congress, and Environmental Legislation in Congress.” Politics & Policy 34(1): 66–92. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2006.00004.x. Wink, Kenneth A., and Andrew Bargen. 2008. “The Consolidation of the White Southern Congressional Vote: The Roles of Ideology and Party Identification.” Politics & Policy 36(3): 376–99. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2007.00113.x.

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Environmental issue linkage as an electoral advantage: the case of NAFTA

Cited by 3 publications

References 43 publications

Does the U.S. Congress Respond to Public Opinion on Trade?

Does the U.S. Congress Respond to Public Opinion on Trade?

The Economic Coercion Trilemma

Searching for green elephants and other mythical creatures during the Trump years: Partisanship and congressional voting on environmental legislation

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