Environmental Ministries as Climate Policy Drivers: Comparing Brazil and India

Abstract

With the 2015 Paris Agreement, global climate governance increasingly depends on domestic climate policy ambitions, also in large developing countries such as Brazil and India, which are prominent representatives for developing countries in the international climate negotiations. Although the environmental policy literature expects ministries of environment to be important drivers of domestic climate policy, studies find that the climate policy ambitions of the Brazilian and Indian environmental ministries differ considerably. With a long-term analytical approach building on historical institutionalism, this article analyses and compares the climate policy roles of the Brazilian and Indian ministries of environment. The comparative analysis finds that three factors in particular influence the environmental ministries' climate policy ambitions: first, the historical view of environmental policy as a domestic or an international issue; second, the ministry's formal role in international climate negotiations; and third, the subsequent development of institutional climate logics.

Forest Conservation Through Markets? A Discourse Network Analysis of the Debate on Funding Mechanisms for REDD+ in Brazil

“…In the present case study, the coalition against markets for REDD expressed many doubts about markets, but failed to mention any benefits of alternative policy options, such as the creation of a public fund for REDD. This is all the more remarkable given that such a fund was set up with donations from Norway andGermany in 2008 (van der Hoff et al, 2018), in the middle of the debate investigated here, and that the coalition against markets had the support of the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which traditionally is the most influential actor in shaping Brazil's international climate policy (Aamodt, 2018;Lahsen, 2009). This suggests that at least to some extent, the level of arguments and discourses may have contributed to a significant change of policy here.…”

“…In a shorter subsequent phase of policy change, however, a third neutral discourse coalition successfully adopted the main arguments of both sides, and achieved a compromise solution, which argued for an integration of REDD into carbon markets, but with some restrictions. The Brazilian Federal Government then adopted this proposal as its official position at COP15, despite having been opposed to carbon markets in relation to avoided deforestation for the preceding 12 years, sidelining the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for the only time at a COP (Aamodt, 2018).…”

“…Such interviews would be particularly useful to understand the extent to which the described change of policy can be attributed to factors beyond the mere strength of arguments and story lines. For example, the role of influential individuals such as Carlos Minc, Minister of the Environment from May 2008 onwards, lobbying activities by agricultural producers and land-owners from the Amazon, or the importance of the creation of the above-mentioned joined task force by representatives of different government agencies in mid-2009 could all be explored (see also Aamodt, 2018;Kasa, 2013;Viola & Franchini, 2014).…”

Coalizão pró-clima é condição para o ingresso do Brasil na OCDE

“…Entre 2005 e 2010, temas de meio ambiente, em especial o desmatamento na Amazônia, eram centrais para o governo federal, por três razões principais. Primeiro, a liderança dos ministros Marina Silva e Carlos Minc, crucial para mobilizar uma coalizão ambientalista ampla (Hochstetler e Keck, 2007;Abers, 2019;Aamodt, 2018;Viola e Franchini, 2018;Pereira e Viola, 2022). Segundo, o alinhamento de Lula com membros de movimentos sociais em temas socioambientais (Hochstetler e Keck, 2007;Abers, 2019).…”

A ação pública de adaptação da agricultura à mudança climática no Nordeste semiárido brasileiro

“…Por exemplo, a reforma do Código Florestal, em 2012, reduziu o nível de proteção florestal sob a legislação brasileira e isentou muitos produtores das obrigações de regularização ambiental (VIOLA; FRAN-CHINI, 2014). Além disso, a agenda da adaptação encontrou desafios políticos e institucionais dentro do próprio MMA, e a política brasileira de clima esteve tradicionalmente associada às estratégias de mitigação e de redução do desmatamento (AAMODT, 2018). O PNA foi estabelecido por meio de uma portaria do MMA (Portaria no 150/2016), evidenciando sua fragilidade institucional.…”