Environmental politics in Chile: Legacies of dictatorship and democracy

Carruthers, David

doi:10.1080/01436590120061642

Cited by 124 publications

(85 citation statements)

References 7 publications

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“…19.300), introduced in 1994, was the first building block for Chile's new-born environmental institution. Since then, although environmental policies have developed rapidly (Reyes 2010;Silva 1996) it can still be argued that neoliberal principles, practices and priorities have triumphed over environmental concerns (Bauer 2009;Carruthers 2001;Reyes 2010). …”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…An unregulated economy and weak state regulation gave high priority to market forces, free trade and privatisation, and had undesirable environmental and social consequences (Liverman & Vilas 2006;Silva 1996). Social inequities appeared, and environmental problems such as air pollution, soil erosion and deforestation rapidly developed (Beghin et al 2002;Carruthers 2001;Claude 1997;Stedman-Edwards 1997;Tecklin et al 2011). Bauer (2009), for example, argues that Chile can be considered a world leader in implementing neoliberal policies in the water and hydropower sector, however, Bauer stresses that water property rights given to the owners of hydropower dams undermined the sustainability and governance of water resources.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Climate change and energy policy in Chile: Up in smoke?

Mundaca

2013

Energy Policy

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This paper provides an ex-post assessment of the climate and energy policy developments in Chile emerging from a neoliberal economic model, during the period 1971-2007. First, correlation and regression analyses were performed to analyse historical CO 2 emissions as a product of demographic, economic and energy-wide drivers. Then I estimate indicators related to CO 2 emissions, energy use and economic activity. In the light of empirical results, I identify policy instruments and structural issues. Finally, I present a comparative analysis of Chile and other Latin American countries. Statistical tests show that variability of CO 2 emissions is explained mostly by GDP per capita ('affluence') than any other tested variable. Indicators show that the diversification and decarbonisation of the energy mix has been a major policy challenge. With two notable exceptions (hydro and natural gas), the CO 2 intensity of the energy supply mix suggests no effective policies, while energy security crises triggered negative carbon effects and increased prices. No clear policies to promote energy efficiency can be identified until 2005. Explicit policy instruments to promote renewable energy are only recognized after 2004. The results strongly suggest that Chile lacked of policies to effectively decarbonise its energy-economy system.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Climate change and energy policy in Chile: Up in smoke?

Mundaca

2013

Energy Policy

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“…As result of these reforms, universities, research institutions like INIA, and policymaking agencies had no formal communication channels for the transference of knowledge or technology (Venezian 1993). This process of institutional dis-assemblage also affected work on other environmental issues (Barandiaran 2015;Carruthers 2001;Tecklin et al 2011).…”

Section: Agricultural Sciences and Policies In Chile After 1973mentioning

confidence: 99%

Nitrogen, science, and environmental change: the politics of the Green Revolution in Chile and the global nitrogen challenge

Martín

2017

Journal of Political Ecology

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The widespread use of nitrogen (N) fertilizers during the second half of the 20 th century radically transformed agricultural production and ecosystems on a global scale. Although the "N challenge" or the "N problem" has had limited public attention compared to biodiversity loss and climate change, scientists consider N pollution a leading ecological concern for the 21 st century. Accordingly, a major challenge for scientists and policymakers around the world today is how to meet food production demands while also protecting the environment. Using Chile as a case study-one of the highest consumers of N fertilizer per hectare in the Americas-this article examines the transnational politics of production and destruction in this process of agricultural modernization. In the Cold War context, a transnational network of scientists, agencies, and authorities created an institutional framework for the transference of knowledge and technology in Chile during the 1960s. Paradoxically, as local and global reliance on N fertilizers increased, scientists were able to generate a narrative about the negative environmental effects of intensive N use and highlight the ecological limits of the Green Revolution. After 1973, however, this knowledge network suffered as a result of the Chilean government's anti-communist crackdown and adoption of market-based agricultural policies. Understanding this history of how politics shaped N consumption, science, and policy is critical to current efforts to create new of agricultural production on a regional and global scale. Keywords: nitrogen, fertilizers, the Green Revolution, Cold War, Chile, science, environment, policy, Global Nitrogen Challenge, agriculture, United States Résumé L'utilisation généralisée des engrais azotés (N) durant la seconde moitié du XXe siècle a transformé radicalement la production agricole et les écosystèmes à l'échelle mondiale. Les scientifiques considèrent la pollution N comme une préoccupation écologique majeure pour le 21ème siècle. Mais le "défi N" ou le "problème N" a eu une attention limitée du public par rapport à la perte de biodiversité et au changement climatique,. En conséquence, un défi majeur pour les scientifiques et les décideurs du monde entier aujourd'hui est de répondre aux demandes de production alimentaire tout en protégeant l'environnement. En utilisant le Chili comme étude de cas -l'un des plus grands consommateurs d'engrais N par hectare dans les Amériques -cet article examine la politique transnationale de production et de destruction dans ce processus de modernisation agricole. Dans le contexte de la Guerre froide, un réseau transnational de scientifiques, d'agences et de autorités a créé un cadre institutionnel pour le transfert de connaissances et de technologie au Chili au cours des années 1960. Paradoxalement, à mesure que la dépendance locale et mondiale sur les engrais N augmentait, les scientifiques pouvaient générer un récit sur les effets environnementaux négatifs de l'utilisation intensive de N et mettre en évidence ...

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“…En dicho sentido, la política ambiental no cumplía con la función de velar por la reproducción de ecosistemas y de vigilar las actividades productivas de acuerdo al imperativo de la sustentabilidad tanto de los recursos como del entorno natural (Carruthers, 2001). Así, la política ambiental se subordinaba a un objetivo económico-social prioritario: el pleno desarrollo de un país con profundas desigualdades que requiere supuestamente de un crecimiento económico acelerado y sostenido basado en la explotación de recursos naturales (Rojas et al, 2003;Larraín, 2006;Rivera, 2011;Pelfini, 2013).…”

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Oligarquización y extractivismo. Cerrojos a la democratización de la política ambiental en Chile

Pelfini

Mena

2017

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ResumenEl objetivo de este artículo es demostrar que la modernización de la institucionalidad ambiental en Chile (la Nueva Institucionalidad Ambiental introducida en 2009/2010) termina consolidando las redes informales que han conectado tradicionalmente a sus principales actores: inversores, Estado y expertos. En consecuencia, se trata de una política pública que a pesar de introducir estándares de gobernanza signados por la accountability, transparencia y participación ciudadana no contribuye a la formación de ciudadanía y agenda pública en torno a modelos de desarrollo y de uso de recursos naturales, sino que se limita a evaluar/paliar/legitimar agendas preconstituidas, como lo son generalmente los proyectos de inversión productiva, extractiva o de infraestructura. Esto se debe, a nuestro juicio, a que la tendencia a la oligarquización propia del sistema político chileno y de la dominación de sus élites en general, así como la perduración de un modelo de acumulación basado en el extractivismo de recursos naturales sirven como cerrojo estructural a cualquier modificación de fondo de la política ambiental en una dirección más democrática. AbstractThe aim of this article is to show that the modernization of Chile's environmental institutions (called Nueva Institucionalidad Ambiental, introduced in 2009/2010) consolidates the informal networks that have traditionally linked its main actors (investors, State and experts). Consequently, it is a public policy that despite the incorporation of governance standards marked by accountability, transparency and public participation does not contribute to the formation of citizenship and public agenda around models of development and use of natural resources, but limited to assess/ mitigate/legitimize pre-established agendas, introduced by productive, extractive or infrastructure investment projects. In our view, this is due to the tendency to oligarchization of the Chilean political system and of the domination of elites in general and the persistence of an accumulation model based on the extraction of natural resources. Both serve as a structural lock that bolts any substantive change of environmental policy in a more democratic direction.Palabras clave: nueva institucionalidad ambiental, gobernanza privada, accountability, transparencia, participación ciudadana.

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Environmental politics in Chile: Legacies of dictatorship and democracy

Cited by 124 publications

References 7 publications

Climate change and energy policy in Chile: Up in smoke?

Climate change and energy policy in Chile: Up in smoke?

Nitrogen, science, and environmental change: the politics of the Green Revolution in Chile and the global nitrogen challenge

Oligarquización y extractivismo. Cerrojos a la democratización de la política ambiental en Chile

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