Ethnic Notions

Riggs, Marlon

doi:10.1037/e651482010-001

Cited by 27 publications

(18 citation statements)

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“…Indeed, we suggest that in addition to the classically-emphasized functions of stereotypes in culture, such as justifying prejudice and oppression (Devine & Sherman, 1992; Pratto et al, 1994; Riggs, 1987), stereotypes about gays and lesbians serve a categorization function (see also Russo, 1987). According to this account, because the defining features of gay/lesbian group membership (e.g., gay/lesbian identity, same-sex attraction) are not highly visible, gay and lesbian stereotypes developed—and persist—in culture specifically to create a set of highly visible cues that make it seem that these social groups are visibly identifiable.…”

Section: Inferences About Sexual Orientation: the Role Of Stereotypesmentioning

confidence: 93%

Inferences About Sexual Orientation: The Roles of Stereotypes, Faces, and The Gaydar Myth

Cox¹,

Devine²,

Bischmann³

et al. 2015

The Journal of Sex Research

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In the present work, we investigate the pop cultural idea that people have a sixth sense, called “gaydar,” to detect who is gay. We propose that “gaydar” is an alternate label for using stereotypes to infer orientation (e.g., inferring that fashionable men are gay). Another account, however, argues that people possess a facial perception process that enables them to identify sexual orientation from facial structure (Rule et al., 2008). We report five experiments testing these accounts. Participants made gay-or-straight judgments about fictional targets that were constructed using experimentally-manipulated stereotypic cues and real gay/straight people’s face cues. These studies revealed that orientation is not visible from the face—purportedly “face-based” gaydar arises from a third-variable confound. People do, however, readily infer orientation from stereotypic attributes (e.g., fashion, career). Furthermore, the folk concept of gaydar serves as a legitimizing myth: Compared to a control group, people stereotyped more when led to believe in gaydar, whereas people stereotyped less when told gaydar is an alternate label for stereotyping. Discussion focuses on the implications of the gaydar myth and why, contrary to some prior claims, stereotyping is highly unlikely to result in accurate judgments about orientation.

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Section: Inferences About Sexual Orientation: the Role Of Stereotypesmentioning

confidence: 93%

Inferences About Sexual Orientation: The Roles of Stereotypes, Faces, and The Gaydar Myth

Cox¹,

Devine²,

Bischmann³

et al. 2015

The Journal of Sex Research

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“…Historically, non-Whites have long been represented in media and popular culture in ways that reinforced stereotypes. For example, the ubiquitous “Jim Crow” caricature existed well before its utilization in film as the archetype for justifying segregation and overt discrimination (e.g., Bogle, 2001; Riggs, 1986). One “advantage” that film provided to these ideological representations was the perpetuation of visual examples of non-Whiteness to audiences en masse.…”

Section: Developing White Ideologies In Filmmentioning

confidence: 99%

On the Origin of White Hollywood: The Racialized Space of the U.S. Film Industry

Thakore

2020

American Behavioral Scientist

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The scholarship on White spaces has highlighted the ways in which institutions have devoted themselves to reproducing Whiteness through intentional ideological work, and how the prevalence of such ideologies impact the individuals within these spaces. It is well recognized that experiences are racialized within U.S. social institution, but there needs to be more work on highlighting the origins of such ideologies within each context. In this article, I focus on the Hollywood film industry to emphasize how its history and contemporary practices do just that. Furthermore, the effects of such practices on the content created by Hollywood reinforce mediated representations that not only reproduce stereotypes at the interactional level but also reinforce the ideological status quo of White Hollywood. I conclude with a reflection on how any changes to the structure must be strategic, lest we repeat the same mistakes of other so-called “integrated” institutions.

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“…Instead, their White counterparts would perform their perception of Black reality in mistral scenes called Blackface, in which White male actors would paint their faces black and perform stereotyped portrayals of Blacks (Gammage, 2015). “Birth of a Nation” was one of the first motion pictures designed as anti-African media charged with the task of socializing the White American public away from accepting Blackness and Black culture as an adequate cultural model that could exist alongside whiteness in America (Riggs, 1986). Created in 1915, this film represented Blackness as a direct threat to the White American public and the chastity of White womanhood.…”

Section: Historical Backgroundmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Created in 1915, this film represented Blackness as a direct threat to the White American public and the chastity of White womanhood. This film and similar media productions carried the dual task of prioritizing White American culture as the only and most appropriate cultural model suitable for existence in America and American television and film (Riggs, 1986).…”

Section: Historical Backgroundmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Once Black entertainers were able to enter into the public domain, they were regulated to stereotyped characters that classified Black men as bucks, toms, and coons, and labeled Black women as mammies, sapphires, and jezebels (Gammage, 2015; Riggs, 1986). Despite their eminence amount of talent, many Black actors, singers, and dancers were excluded from performing in “white” theaters and films.…”

Section: Historical Backgroundmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Pop Culture Without Culture: Examining the Public Backlash to Beyoncé’s Super Bowl 50 Performance

Gammage

2017

Journal of Black Studies

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On February 7, 2016, Beyoncé took the stage of Super Bowl 50 as a featured artist during the halftime show. Immediately after, her performance was classified as an anti-American act of terrorism. The public took to social media, not in the usual fan craze, but to condemn and damn Beyoncé for her celebration of Black culture. This condemning is a reflection of the marginalized treatment of Black popular artists which prohibits them from speaking out on Black issues. Consequently, Black popular artists are forced to shed off their cultural identities in order to achieve and maintain mainstream/pop culture success. This article provides a detailed examination of Beyoncé's celebration of Black culture and its aftermath, along with other contemporary Black popular artists and celebrities, and will highlight the contemporary damnation of Black entertainers. These analyses will create a foundation for challenging the race-neutral categorization of Black popular artists.

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Ethnic Notions

Cited by 27 publications

References 0 publications

Inferences About Sexual Orientation: The Roles of Stereotypes, Faces, and The Gaydar Myth

Inferences About Sexual Orientation: The Roles of Stereotypes, Faces, and The Gaydar Myth

On the Origin of White Hollywood: The Racialized Space of the U.S. Film Industry

Pop Culture Without Culture: Examining the Public Backlash to Beyoncé’s Super Bowl 50 Performance

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