Ethnic Social Distance in Kyrgyzstan: Evidence from a Nationwide Opinion Survey¹

Abstract

Unlike in some other former Soviet republics, when Kyrgyzstan achieved independence in 1991 its government granted citizenship to all residents, regardless of ethnicity or language. The government hoped this would help to quell incipient ethnic tensions in the country before they got out of hand. It was argued that, in a constantly changing ethnic landscape, citizens' identification with the country above all other considerations, including ethnicity and religion, would introduce a degree of stability—a common denominator for all residents of Kyrgyzstan, where there is a relatively high level of ethnic diversity (see Table 1).

Continuities in Transition: Ethnicity, Language and Labour Market Inequalities in Kyrgyzstan

“…After an early post‐Soviet plunge, Kyrgyzstan's economy saw a rapid recovery from the beginning of this century, but with a gross national income (GNI) per capita of US$ 1,220, it remains one of the poorest countries in Central Asia (World Bank, 2018). Like many former Soviet republics, Kyrgyzstan is a multi‐ethnic nation, with a complex mix of ethno‐cultural and regional identities, cleavages and inequalities that are strongly imprinted on the nation's socio‐political and economic fabric (Anderson and Pomfret, 2000; Elebayeva et al., 2000; Esenaliev and Steiner, 2014; Faranda and Nolle, 2003, 2011). In addition to Kyrgyz, the titular majority, its population includes Uzbeks, another indigenous Turkic‐speaking ethnic group; a sizeable mix of European‐origin, mainly Russian‐speaking groups, primarily ethnic Russians, but also Ukrainians, Byelorussians, Germans (from Russia's Volga region) and others who moved to Kyrgyzstan, voluntarily or forcibly, during the Soviet era; and several other smaller native and non‐native groups.…”

Exclusion, violence, and optimism: Ethnic divides in Kyrgyzstan

“…The north–south divide has deep historical roots and its political, social, and economic implications have been widely acknowledged in the literature (e.g. Faranda and Nolle, 2003; Ryabkov, 2008). Thus, northern Kyrgyz had greater exposure to Russian culture and language during the Soviet rule and as a result, are, in general, more ‘Russified’ in cultural and linguistic terms than their southern counterparts.…”

The Mosaic of Muslim Religiosity and Social‐Political Attitudes in Kyrgyzstan: A Gender‐Based Exploration

“…Nevertheless, there have been a few noteworthy attempts to fill various gaps. For example, Faranda and Nolle (), working with a national probability sample of Kyrgyzstani adults surveyed in 2001, built a Muslim religiosity scale analyzing responses to four questions about praying five times a day, observing the fast during Ramadan, hoping to make a pilgrimage to Mecca, and attending a place of worship more than once a year. Though they correctly accounted for the fact that worship attendance as a measure of religiosity functioned differently for women and men, they observed that their measurement of worship attendance may have confounded mazar attendance with mosque attendance.…”