Ethnicity and Elections in Eastern Turkey: What do the Kurds Want?

Yeğen, Mesut; Tol, Uğraş Ulaş; Çalışkan, Mehmet Ali

doi:10.1177/2347798920939841

Cited by 9 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 27 publications

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“…Fourth, closer to our fieldwork, we have witnessed a collective and strong wave of Kurdish hunger strike first in Turkish prisons, then outside prisons against the unlawful isolation of Abdullah Öcalan . Fifth, we have witnessed Kurds' collective alliance vote for the Republican People's Party's (CHP) Istanbul candidate for municipality elections (Yeğen, Tol, & Çalışkan, 2020). Finally, as we were starting our fieldwork, we also witnessed the Turkish state escalating a new wave of war right…”

Section: "If I Die My Children Will Pursue This Case": Counternarrati...mentioning

confidence: 98%

“…These loud voices were sufficient to create unrest among the state authorities, thereby resulting in official regulations to ban Kurdish place names, which were replaced by Turkish names and to suppress dissident voices through exile against Kurdish intellectuals and representers. Despite the re-escalating state oppression, Kurds began to be actively involved in Turkish politics: Kurdish politicians took part in the national elections with a significant vote success in Bakûr Kurdistan (Yeğen, Tol, & Çalışkan 2020). Thus, following the increased visibility in representational politics, Kurds regained a sense of political power in Turkey as of the 70's.…”

Section: Supplemental Materials Ii: Historical Backgroundmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In 1991 elections, 22 Kurdish politicians made entry to the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. This development marked its effects on Kurdish voters whose voting behavior became irreversibly deviated from Turkish voters (Yeğen, Tol, & Çalışkan, 2020). Gunes (2012) interpreted this new route as an important opportunity for those Kurds who rejected the armed struggle as a strategy for raising awareness and demanded political reconciliation for societal peace instead.…”

Section: Supplemental Materials Ii: Historical Backgroundmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Counternarratives of Power in Kurds

Coskan¹,

Şen²

2022

Preprint

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Despite hundreds of years of forced and violent assimilation from multiple sources, Kurds continue to exist as dissidents, progressing their ethnonational and cultural ways of being through an anticolonial resistance. Honoring the Kurdish existence by resistance, our motivation is to bring into light the ‘Kurdish power’ that enables this kind of resistance within the Turkish nation-state borders. Guided by critical race theory and decolonial approach, we pursue Kurds’ counternarratives of power to dismantle the hegemonic representations of power and oppression while exposing systematic and systemic dynamics of racism. We interviewed sixteen Kurds in Van and Istanbul and we asked their understanding of power and their political reflections. Combining counternarrative and thematic analyses, we provide a multifocal, multisourced understanding of power, shaped around the multitudes of Kurdishness against Turkish oppression and violence. Counternarrators’ refusals of hegemonic oppression are intertwined with a strong belief in collectivity, a sense of nationhood is intertwined with multifragmentality and imaginations of future are intertwined with agency, existence and oppression.

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Section: "If I Die My Children Will Pursue This Case": Counternarrati...mentioning

confidence: 98%

Section: Supplemental Materials Ii: Historical Backgroundmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Supplemental Materials Ii: Historical Backgroundmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

Counternarratives of Power in Kurds

Coskan¹,

Şen²

2022

Preprint

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“…By 2015, the HDP had built enough public support among the Kurdish people to ensure Note: Numbers are based on two public opinion surveys of the Kurdish citizens conducted in 2011 and 2015, as presented by Karakoc and Ozen (2020). Also see Sarigil and Karakoc (2016) and Yegen et al (2020) for supporting statistics.…”

Section: Recent Shifts In Turkey's Ethnic Policymentioning

confidence: 99%

Recognition Paradox: Minority Language Recognition, Political Trust, and Ethnic Demands

Öztürk¹,

Öztürk²

2023

Preprint

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Can the recognition of a minority language by the state, such as the increasing use of the minority language in state services, help the state to build political trust among its minority citizens? Or, does it rather strengthen the ethnic divisions in the country? Despite the significance of the language policy, especially in countries experiencing ongoing ethnic conflict, the empirical literature on its causal effects stay limited. In this study, we explore the effects of the minority language recognition n minority individuals' political attitudes in an authoritarian country experiencing an ongoing ethnic conflict, i.e, Turkey. We conducted a pre-registered online survey experiment, recruiting Kurdish citizens of Turkey. Our results point to a recognition paradox. While the Kurdish people living in Turkey become more satisfied with state services if these services are presented in the Kurdish language, this satisfaction does not lead to increased trust in state institutions. On the other hand, the recognition of the minority language further increases ethnic demands in language policy. We believe that our results make significant contribution to the literature on ethnic politics.

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“…Turkey’s Kurdish population makes up approximately 15 to 18 percent of its population, and two-thirds of the minority reside in eastern and southeastern Turkey, i.e. Northern Kurdistan (Yeğen et al, 2016). Despite being the country’s largest ethnic minority, the Kurdish identity has been regarded as a threat to Turkey’s unity, and their political, cultural, and collective rights have been unrecognized throughout its history.…”

Section: Assembling a Community Economy In Northern Kurdistanmentioning

confidence: 99%

Assembling community economies

Turker

Murphy

2019

Progress in Human Geography

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This article advances a framework for the study of community economies as assemblages constituted and shaped by three primary dynamics: relations, resources and constraints, and processes of stabilization and destabilization. Drawing on diverse and community economies scholarship, assemblage theory and actor-network theory, we develop a framework that will contribute significantly to understandings of the emergence of community economies and the strategies that make them more resilient and sustainable. The conceptual framework is illustrated through a case study from Turkey’s Kurdish region – a women’s cooperative that remained resilient in the face of armed conflict and political violence.

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Ethnicity and Elections in Eastern Turkey: What do the Kurds Want?

Cited by 9 publications

References 27 publications

Counternarratives of Power in Kurds

Counternarratives of Power in Kurds

Recognition Paradox: Minority Language Recognition, Political Trust, and Ethnic Demands

Assembling community economies

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