Ethno-nationalist claims in southern Nigeria: insights from Yoruba and Ijaw nationalisms since the 1990s

Ukeje, Charles; Adebanwi, Wale

doi:10.1080/01419870701491978

Cited by 21 publications

(15 citation statements)

References 12 publications

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“…This was more so because ''their leaderships and agitation were treated with disdain, denied access and ignored, compromised by inducements while negotiations either failed or agreements if any were broken'' (Ikelegbe 2001b, p. 441;Ukeje and Adebanwi 2008). The choice of name by the prototypical social movement of the period, the Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People MOSOP, was most instructive because, as Ken Saro-Wiwa (1992), founder of the movement argued, what the Ogonis and indeed other Niger Delta communities faced was ''genocide'' (also see Osaghae 1995).…”

Section: 7)mentioning

confidence: 97%

“…We need to know the historical context of the struggles, the social basis of the movements, the nature of leadership of the movements, how the constituency of interests is mobilized, why certain rights and not others are demanded, and the prospects for success of the rights struggle, which also requires some analysis of the nature of the state and its engagement with social movements. One key variable in this regard is leadership, which has been identified as crucial to the coherence and effectiveness of social movements (Tarrow 1999), and is abundantly evident in the Niger Delta (Obi 2005;Ukeje and Adebanwi 2008). These parameters provide the framework within which the rights struggles by the minority movements in Nigeria's oil-rich Niger Delta are analyzed in this article.…”

Section: Setting the Framework: Rights And Social Movementsmentioning

confidence: 98%

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Social Movements and Rights Claims: The Case of Action Groups in the Niger Delta of Nigeria

Osaghae

2008

Voluntas

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This article examines how the various claims to, and demands for, rights have enabled and shaped the various equity and justice seeking social movements that have emerged in the Niger Delta of Nigeria, the key point being that claims to rights are fundamental of the logic and coherence of social movements. The article is divided into three sections. The first sets the conceptual and analytical frame by elaborating on the rights-social movements nexus. This is followed by a discussion of the historical and conceptual location of the Niger Delta. The rest of the article interrogates the contexts of relative deprivation, rights denial, and injustice within which social movements have emerged in the Niger Delta. A major objective is to account for why the social movements have been largely ethnic and most recently generational and to analyze the dynamics and outcomes of the rights struggles waged by the various social movements.Résumé Cet article examine comment les revendications et les exigences, ont permis et modelé les mouvements sociaux recherchant l'équité et la justice qui ont apparu dans le Delta du Niger au Nigeria, le point clé étant que la revendication des droits sont fondamentaux de la logique et de la cohérence des mouvements sociaux. Cet article se divise dans trois sections. La première section indique l'encadrement conceptuel et analytique en donnant des détails sur les connexions de mouvements sociaux des droits. La seconde section est suivie par une discussion de l'emplacement historique et conceptuel du delta du Niger. La troisième et dernière section de l'article interroge les contextes de privation relative, le démenti de droits et l'injustice dans laquelle des mouvements sociaux ont apparu dans le Delta du Niger. Un objectif majeur est de représenter pourquoi les mouvements sociaux ont été en grande partie ethniques et le plus récemment générationnelle et d'analyser la dynamique et les résultats des luttes de droits salariées par les divers mouvements sociaux. Zusammenfassung Dieser Beitrag untersucht, wie die diversen Ansprüche und Forderungen nach Rechten die im Nigerdelta in Nigeria hervortretenden verschiedenen gesellschaftlichen Bewegungen für Gleichheit und Gerechtigkeit mobilisiert und geformt haben. Der Hauptpunkt ist hierbei, dass die Rechtsansprüche für die Logik und den Zusammenhalt gesellschaftlicher Bewegungen grundlegend sind. Der Beitrag ist in drei Abschnitte unterteilt. Der erste Abschnitt bestimmt durch Ausführungen über die Verknüpfung zwischen Rechten und gesellschaftlichen Bewegungen das konzeptionelle und analytische Rahmenwerk. Im Anschluss daran folgt eine Diskussion über die historische und konzeptionelle Lage des Nigerdeltas. Der letzte Teil hinterfragt die Zusammenhänge hinisichtlich relativer Deprivation, der Verwehrung von Rechten und Ungerechtigkeit, aus denen die gesellschaftlichen Bewegungen im Nigerdelta entstanden sind. Wesentliche Ziele des Beitrags sind die Begründung, warum die gesellschaftlichen Bewegungen größtenteils ethnisch und seit kurzem generationsab...

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Section: 7)mentioning

confidence: 97%

Section: Setting the Framework: Rights And Social Movementsmentioning

confidence: 98%

Social Movements and Rights Claims: The Case of Action Groups in the Niger Delta of Nigeria

Osaghae

2008

Voluntas

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“…I lay no claim to originality in making this argument. Ukeje and Adebanwi (2007), Nwajiaku-Dahou (2012) and Obi (2014) have explored various aspects of mobilization of identity as instruments with which to contest power by Nigeria's constituent groups. However, the application of this argument in the analysis of post-conflict peace-building efforts in the Niger Delta throws up fresh insights.…”

Section: Relative Deprivation and Insurgency: Theoretical Argumentsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Relative deprivation and insurgency: What lessons from Nigeria’s flawed federalism?

Aaron

2015

International Area Studies Review

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In the heyday of insurgency in Nigeria's oil-rich but poor Niger Delta region, much scholarly effort was made to explain this conflict as being borne out of relative deprivation. This paper contests the logic of using relative deprivation as the cause, as opposed to the reconfiguration of power in Nigeria's national politics. This has seen the emergence of a president from the once marginalized Niger Delta region and the resultant dynamics of post-conflict peace-building. We also examine the consequences of a return to peace in the Niger Delta, in spite of the failure of the Nigerian state and oil transnational corporations to address the grievances that were widely canvassed as the reasons for rebellion. I conclude that insurgency in Nigeria is spawned not so much by conditions of relative deprivation, as by the nature of Nigeria's fundamentally flawed federalism.

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“…Nigeria has more than 400 ethnic groups, distributed among two major religions of mainly Christianity and Islam (Salawu, 2010). Despite these formidable statistics, it does not mechanically follow that the sheer large number of the ethnic groups and tribes should translate to tribalism and ethnocentrism (Ukeje & Adebanwi, 2006). A possible explanation must therefore be in the hasty and uncritical manner in which the protonationalists accepted the state making without making necessary recourse to work on the psyche of the populace as a nation.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…& Adebanwi, 2006). Instead, the problem of ethnicity derives from the manner in which it is mobilized by the political elite.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Proto-Nationalisms as Sub-Text for the Crisis of Governance in Nigeria

Olaiya

2016

Sage Open

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There are several accounts of the genealogy and manifestations of the myriad governance crises, which Nigeria continues to face five decades after independence. Although no single account is sufficient to explain the governance misadventures, one key point resonating is that progress and development have proved elusive over the years. In this article, we seek to move away from the dominant characterization of this governance crisis as deriving directly from the consequences of a monolithic oil economy, a deeply fractured and volatile political terrain, or even corrupt and patrimonial rule. Instead, the article locates the root of Nigeria’s governance crisis in the queer pattern of the emergence, reinvention, and manipulation of proto-nationalisms characterized not by any nationalistic quest for independence and spatial liberation but one pursued to gain foothold in governance and to partake in its perquisites. Invariably, the post-colonial nation-states that emerged at independence in many African countries, for the most part, neither followed through with any logical expression of genuine nationalism nor mobilized toward a shared vision of nationhood. The article shows how individuals and groups within the polity soon became locked in contested and irreconcilable positions that further made the construction of a truly nationalistic identity difficult, if not forlorn. This article submits that successive post-colonial administrations unimaginatively followed the divide-and-rule traditions of the colonial state and thus failed to mobilize the popular support required for the construction of a broad-based national identity that is key to managing the protracted governance crises the country has experienced since independence.

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Ethno-nationalist claims in southern Nigeria: insights from Yoruba and Ijaw nationalisms since the 1990s

Cited by 21 publications

References 12 publications

Social Movements and Rights Claims: The Case of Action Groups in the Niger Delta of Nigeria

Social Movements and Rights Claims: The Case of Action Groups in the Niger Delta of Nigeria

Relative deprivation and insurgency: What lessons from Nigeria’s flawed federalism?

Proto-Nationalisms as Sub-Text for the Crisis of Governance in Nigeria

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