2004

DOI: 10.2307/3773857

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Ethnographic Atlas XXX: Peoples of Siberia

Andrey Korotayev¹,

Alexander Kazankov²,

S. A. Borinskaya³

et al.

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Introduction2

Additional Ethnographic Sources1

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Cited by 26 publications

(31 citation statements)

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“…For example, if the reconstructed kinship terminology for a certain protolanguage turns out to be non-bifurcate (either Hawaiian, or Inuit) we would have certain grounds to hypothesize that its speakers lacked unilineal descent groups (see Table 1). Source: Murdock (1967Murdock ( , 1981, White (1986, 1990), Murdock et al (1999Murdock et al ( -2000, Korotayev et al (2004), and Bondarenko et al (2005).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Immanuel Maurice Wallerstein (1930–2019)

Chase‐Dunn¹,

2019

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Currently, the main source for the reconstruction of the most ancient history of humankind is archeology, which almost by definition makes it possible to restore only just a few elements of the most ancient human culture (naturally, almost exclusively -material culture). A mere introduction of comparative linguistic data makes it possible to significantly refine our reconstruction of a respective culture. If a certain linguistic Urheimat may be localized in space and in time within the area and lifespan of a certain archaeological culture, this suggests that we may have an idea of the lan-Korotayev et al. / Evolution of Eurasian and African Family Systems 287guage spoken by respective population, as the application of comparative linguistic methods allows us to reconstruct the vocabulary of the carriers of the respective protolanguage, that makes it possible to identify a set of terms denoting the realities of family organization, political attitudes, beliefs, etc. A very important part of the reconstructed vocabulary is constituted by the kinship terminology. As is well known (and as is demonstrated in this article again), the kinship terminology displays rather strong correlations with respective types of kinship organization, which could allow to reconstruct important features of clan and family structure of the respective populations. This reconstruction can be further verified by using archaeological and genetic data. It is demonstrated that the papers presented at the International Workshop 'Murdock and Goody Re-visited: (Pre)history and evolution of Eurasian and African family systems' that was organized in April 2015 by the Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology suggest that we are close to having all the necessary ingredients to undertake such a program of a deep historical reconstruction.

“…For example, if the reconstructed kinship terminology for a certain protolanguage turns out to be non-bifurcate (either Hawaiian, or Inuit) we would have certain grounds to hypothesize that its speakers lacked unilineal descent groups (see Table 1). Source: Murdock (1967Murdock ( , 1981, White (1986, 1990), Murdock et al (1999Murdock et al ( -2000, Korotayev et al (2004), and Bondarenko et al (2005).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Immanuel Maurice Wallerstein (1930–2019)

Chase‐Dunn¹,

2019

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Currently, the main source for the reconstruction of the most ancient history of humankind is archeology, which almost by definition makes it possible to restore only just a few elements of the most ancient human culture (naturally, almost exclusively -material culture). A mere introduction of comparative linguistic data makes it possible to significantly refine our reconstruction of a respective culture. If a certain linguistic Urheimat may be localized in space and in time within the area and lifespan of a certain archaeological culture, this suggests that we may have an idea of the lan-Korotayev et al. / Evolution of Eurasian and African Family Systems 287guage spoken by respective population, as the application of comparative linguistic methods allows us to reconstruct the vocabulary of the carriers of the respective protolanguage, that makes it possible to identify a set of terms denoting the realities of family organization, political attitudes, beliefs, etc. A very important part of the reconstructed vocabulary is constituted by the kinship terminology. As is well known (and as is demonstrated in this article again), the kinship terminology displays rather strong correlations with respective types of kinship organization, which could allow to reconstruct important features of clan and family structure of the respective populations. This reconstruction can be further verified by using archaeological and genetic data. It is demonstrated that the papers presented at the International Workshop 'Murdock and Goody Re-visited: (Pre)history and evolution of Eurasian and African family systems' that was organized in April 2015 by the Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology suggest that we are close to having all the necessary ingredients to undertake such a program of a deep historical reconstruction.

“…The following variable has been taken from the Ethnographic Atlas database (Bondarenko et al, 2005;Korotayev et al, 2004;Murdock, 1967;Murdock et al, 1999Murdock et al, -2000 …”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The data for the other variables have been taken from the Ethnographic Atlas database (Bondarenko, Kazankov, Khaltourina, & Korotayev, 2005;Korotayev, Kazankov, Borinskaya, Khaltourina, & Bondarenko, 2004;Murdock, 1967Murdock, , 1985, and the Standard Cross-Cultural Sample database (Broude & Greene 1983, 1985Khaltourina, Korotayev, & Divale, 2002;Murdock & Wilson, 1972, 1985variables V8 ''Domestic Organization'' [dichotomized]). …”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Romantic Love and Family Organization

¹

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²

,

³

2016

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We propose that romantic love is a biosocial phenomenon that may well be a universal and that its cultural aspects are a product of social conditions. This position is unique because romantic love is promoted as a cultural rather than social universal. We argue that culture, social, and psychological phenomena are too frequently conflated and their core definitional features underdefined by researchers. Culture refers to learned practices that have collectively shared meanings to the members of a society. Under social conditions in which romantic love does not confer reproductive and health advantages to a mother and child, it will often be suppressed, undeveloped, and rejected as a cultural component. Through a cross-cultural study, we show that female status and family organization are important features that help in regulating the sociocultural importance of romantic love as a basis for marriage. The authors propose that romantic love is more likely to be a biosocial universal than a biocultural universal. We understand that there is a great deal of overlap between social and cultural, but we intend to make clear the distinctions, as we see them, between these two concepts. Richerson (1985, 2005) and Boehm (1999Boehm ( , 2012 have been proponents of a biocultural approach to the study of ''the origin and evolution of cultures.'' These researchers have developed a biocultural approach that remains true to the ethnographic cross-cultural approach of anthropology first advocated by Tylor (1889). Our work fits into this model for cross-cultural research, with the notable addition that the focus is on social conditions and practices from which cultural configurations emerge. In this study, we hope to accomplish the following tasks: First, we intend to demonstrate that the social aspect of romantic love has been neglected in cross-cultural research on love and is just as important as culture, if not more so, for the study of romantic love; second, we intend to show that female status and family organization are important features in regulating the sociocultural importance of romantic love, particularly (but not exclusively) as a basis for marriage; third, in our discussion, we present an argument for attending more carefully to definitions of core concepts (e.g., culture, romantic love) and the explanatory limits and strengths (or parameters) of those definitions; and fourth, we seek to stimulate interest in developing better (i.e., more reliable and valid) codings of the concept of romantic love (and other expressive/subjective concepts) in the cross-cultural databases. We began such studies over 15 years ago (de Munck &

“…For a summary of the life's work of George Peter Murdock, including the Ethnographic Atlas, see Spoehr 1985. work of Murdock by including ethnic groups that are missing from his sample. According to Korotayev et al (2004), one shortcoming of the Atlas is that it does not adequately cover ethnic groups of the former Soviet Union. They attribute this to language barriers since the ethnographic sources are published in Russian.…”

Section: Additional Ethnographic Sourcesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The first uses the standard Ethnographic Atlas only. The second also uses data from Bondarenko et al (2005) and Korotayev et al (2004). The third uses all available data sources, including the additional ethnic groups from the World Ethnographic Sample.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Economic History of Developing Regions

African Studies Companion Online

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We construct a database, with global coverage, that provides measures of the cultural and environmental characteristics of the pre-industrial ancestors of the world's current populations. In this paper, we describe the construction of the database, including the underlying data, the procedure to produce the estimates, and the structure of the final data. We then provide illustrations of some of the variation in the data and provide an illustration of how the data can be used.

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