2017
DOI: 10.1080/21599165.2017.1280472
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EU normative performance: a critical theory perspective on the EU’s response to the massacre in Andijon, Uzbekistan

Abstract: This article introduces a new analytical framework-EU Normative Performance-to examine the European Union's (EU) policy towards autocratic regimes in its wider Eastern neighbourhood. Drawing on critical theory and the writings of Jürgen Habermas, EU Normative Performance does not define measures of a (cost-) efficient conduct of foreign policy, but develops benchmarks of an ideal-type emancipatory policy constrained by normative principles (Normative Performance as output) and derived from undistorted argument… Show more

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Cited by 4 publications
(3 citation statements)
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“…In my work on a critical theory perspective on EU normative performance (Bosse, 2017), I identified that two aspects of Habermas's work in particular are relevant for defining the standards of EU moral authority with regards to resorting to unilateral coercive measures.…”
Section: Sources and Standards Of Eu Authority: A Communicative Action Perspectivementioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…In my work on a critical theory perspective on EU normative performance (Bosse, 2017), I identified that two aspects of Habermas's work in particular are relevant for defining the standards of EU moral authority with regards to resorting to unilateral coercive measures.…”
Section: Sources and Standards Of Eu Authority: A Communicative Action Perspectivementioning
confidence: 99%
“…Habermas argues that the ideal speech situation, that is, the ideal process of fair communication, depends on three main standards (cf. Habermas, 2006, p. 185; see also Bjola, 2005, p. 280;Bosse, 2017;Head, 2008) which must be met for deliberative legitimacy to be achieved:…”
Section: Authority Through Deliberative Legitimacymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In Ukraine, as Burluyk and Shapovalova (2017, this Special Issue) explain, the EU leverage to the mobilisation of the Ukrainian civil society and opposition made a significant contribution via numerous visits of EU officials and the EP monitoring Cox-Kwasniewski mission. On the other hand, in the process that led to deciding on the EU's arms embargo on Uzbekistan, the European Parliament was excluded, as Bosse (2017) shows. In addition, by assessing the performance of the pre-accession PHARE funds for civil society development in Bulgaria, Hristova (2017) points out that policy transfers were incomplete.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%